To put the forthcoming Euro-parliamentary elections in their constitutional and democratic context, it’s worth noting that the European Parliament has existed as a parliament for only 40 years. Although its powers have grown since the Lisbon Treaty, especially in providing greater EU-level accountability through scrutiny of EU legislation, there has been no departure from the supremacy of democratic control of national parliaments and governments.
As Angela Merkel’s chosen successor as chancellor, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, put it: “A European superstate would be the wrong way. National sovereignty must take priority over centralisation in Brussels… The reform of Europe will not work without the nation-states… This is where the international weight of the Europeans comes from.”
These elections are important to Malta for one key reason. The European Union is at a critical juncture. Even though our six MEPs carry little political influence in the greater scheme of things, what happens in the EU affects Malta deeply.
These elections are a contest between “nationalist” populists, who offer no solutions to Europe’s pressing institutional and socio-economic problems, and “pan-Europeans”, who must find ways to address the demand from its citizens for protection from the social and economic shocks of the modern world. Brexit provides a clear warning of what happens when a government fails to tell the truth about the alternatives.
In Brussels, three scenarios about the election outcome have been floated: a decisive surge for anti-EU parties; unexpected gains from pro-European parties; and a third option of something confusing in between.
A mess is the most likely outcome. This mess may well spell the end of the “grand coalition” consisting of the two large blocs of parties representing centre-right and centre-left that currently dominate the parliament.
Already Matteo Salvini’s far-right deputies of Italy’s Northern League have invited Germany’s far-right, anti-immigrant AFD party and France’s far-right, anti-EU French National Rally party of Marine Le Pen, and sundry other hard-right groups, to launch a pan-European alliance.
The aim is to build a populist alliance, which will enable fellow “sovereignists” to make their mark on an institution traditionally dominated by Christian Democrats and Social Democrats. The decline of centrist conservatives after the migration crisis and the collapse of many social democratic parties have created a power vacuum.
Our six representatives are not sent to Brussels or Strasbourg to drag Malta’s name though the dirt – as some Maltese MEPs did in the last parliament – but to represent the Maltese position
Two months ago, President Emmanuel Macron of France – who is in deep political trouble domestically in these elections – wrote an “open letter… aimed at reforging existing European institutions or creating new ones”. His central contention was that the EU is in grave difficulties and that the status quo is not an option. He highlighted that many of the most pressing challenges facing Europe require common action. The EU’s apparent impotence in successive crises has undermined confidence in integration.
His detailed proposals were not all universally welcomed. But on the big issues facing Europe – the rise of nationalism, Europe’s security, and the need for reform of the EU’s institutions – it was visionary: a blueprint for a political renaissance, but also one that could lead to the break-up of Europe’s borderless travel zone.
Macron’s most eye-catching idea was a call for a rethinking of the borderless Schengen free-travel area, highlighting the scale of the challenge. His proposals concerning Schengen were an ultimatum and a threat to populist or nationalist EU governments in Hungary, Poland and Italy. His calls were for a common European border force, a single asylum policy and “European solidarity”, code for the compulsory resettlement of migrants shared among member states.
This plan could lead to the break-up of the Schengen area because governments led by Hungary and Poland have in the past refused to accept quotas of refugees. Italy is implicitly threatened too for refusing EU-run asylum centres on Italian territory. The French leader’s plan for the European Union, which includes tougher EU borders, was ostensibly welcomed by Victor Orban of Hungary, a strong critic of the EU. But he appears to be playing a careful double game with Salvini to plan a populist uprising in Europe.
What Macron is demanding touches on core issues of national sovereignty. Governments are reluctant to give up control over who can legally come into their country. Despite Roberta Metsola’s so-called law, many countries are resistant to a common border force patrolling their borders. Macron’s response is that those who don’t want to participate should be excluded from Schengen – in effect leading to a multi-tier Europe. Yet a multi-speed Europe is inevitably opposed by those who fear becoming second-class citizens.
Macron also proposes to sideline the European Commission by creating the European Council for Bilateral Security, another new institution, which he envisages as an overarching security council. This would oversee a “truly operational defence clause”, although it may run counter to German proposals for less ambitious defence cooperation at EU level.
Even if Macron does not have all the answers, he is at least asking the right questions. After all, the real danger for Europe is a global decline into irrelevance. Macron has drawn stark attention to Europe’s problems. The chaotic aftermath of the Brexit vote has shown that “retreating into nationalism offers nothing. It is rejection without an alternative”. The scale of the challenges facing Europe is massive. These elections represent possibly the last chance to confront them.
Malta is, as always, at the mercy of big players and events outside its control. But it is important that its voice is heard. This is why it is vital that the European members of Parliament who we elect on May 25 are of a calibre and vision that can make an intelligent contribution to grappling with the big issues and able to safeguard Malta’s interests.
Our six representatives are not sent to Brussels or Strasbourg to drag Malta’s name though the dirt – as some Maltese MEPs did in the last parliament – but to represent the Maltese position by participating constructively in dealing with the challenges to which President Macron has drawn stark attention.
The outcome of the Euro-elections in two weeks should tell us whether the Prime Minister still retains the overwhelming trust placed in him a year ago. All the polls indicate that there will be no change there. Indeed, the issue on May 25 will be whether the Nationalist Party – divided and undermined by some of its own traditional base – can retain its current three seats. Who gets elected on the PN ticket will be all-important, an issue I propose to address next week.
This is a Times of Malta print opinion piece