Diplomacy, not sport, was the principal attraction of the Winter Olympics in Pyeongchang. The decision by both the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) to march under a ‘United Korea’ flag raised expectations about the possibility of peace talks.

Both countries remain at war; the current ceasefire signed in July 1953 is the only legal instrument that prevents the two states from engaging in active warfare. In a region with a concentration of arms to rival that of Central Europe at the height of the Cold War, such a scenario would be catastrophic.

South Korea pulled all the stops to make the 500-strong North Korean delegation feel welcome. The significance of this gesture was not lost on the North Koreans. Heading the delegation was Kim Yo Jong, the sister of supreme leader Kim Jong Un. She was accompanied by the nominal head of State of North Korea, the 90-year old Kim Yong-Nam.

Peace is the most desirable outcome, however, unity could be hard to achieve

There was much fawning over this delegation; the younger Kim is attractive, elegant and intriguing while the older Kim has the demeanour of a distinguished elder statesman. Alas, they are the respectable face of a ghastly cruel regime – the most repressive – and any attempt to whitewash this fact will not do justice to the millions of people who are under the complete control of this State.

Beyond intelligence-gathering exercises and the occasional report by defectors, we know very little about the workings of the North Korean regime. There is evidence it seeks to procure nuclear weapons and missiles to threaten other states into submission and we are aware of a vast network of prison camps where torture, forced abortions, murder and inhumanity are the order of the day.

Moreover, North Korea has recently been mentioned in connection with the possible supply of chemical weapons for use in the Syrian civil war.

A minder must always accompany visitors to North Korea. They are shown around several Potemkin villages; they are made to worship at the foot of large statues of Kim Il-Sung and Kim Jong-Il – the constitutionally-designated “Eternal leaders of Juche Korea” – and they must tread carefully not to fall foul of the regime.

Unlike Soviet Russia, there is scant literature to help us understand the nuances of the North Korean political system. The novel that won the 2013 Pulitzer Prize, The orphan master’s son, attempts to uncover some aspects of the North Korean regime. Its author, Adam Johnson, crafts this tale following lengthy interviews with various defectors. He presents a country where nothing is what it seems.

The first literature book to be smuggled out of North Korea was published in 2017. The Accusation was written by a person who still lives and works in the hermit kingdom. Bandi, a pseudonym, presents characters that are somewhat forgettable and one-dimensional, yet, whose stories are haunting and poignant.

This is a strength of this book rather than a flaw. In a country so dominated by totalitarianism, the human person cannot develop his talents or assert himself. Living under constant threat breeds fear and suspicion. Anything short of complete blind loyalty to the State and the revolution is punishable by death or public humiliation.

The slavish admiration of the North Korean delegation in Pyeongchang is a betrayal of those who continue to suffer under this regime. The delegation itself was probably there under duress. Athletes who defected from North Korea report how they were trained from a very young age to be Olympic champions. If they do not perform well, they are denied food and drink.

The athletes and the 200-strong cheerleading squad were under constant monitoring. Observers have reported a large number of minders supervised every movement, including their comfort breaks. There was little time to socialise with the members of other squads. That could potentially be interpreted as fraternising with the enemy.

The fear that the North Korean regime seeks to inflict is a reflection of the fears of its ability to survive in the long term.

Peace talks have started in the Korean peninsula. Between 1998 and 2008, South Korea pursued a ‘Sunshine policy’ aimed at reducing tensions between the two countries.

The move was meant to thaw the frosty relations through economic aid, tourism and meetings with families who had been separated during the war. Meetings between the leaders of the two countries were arranged.

North Korea, in turn, had to stop using military exercises to provoke the South. It was a policy that produced mixed results. However, it was ultimately a failure.

There were some positives. By agreeing to aid from the South, the North Koreans were admitting that their economic model failed. Moreover, tensions between the two countries seemed to be reduced for a short period. The increase in personal interactions between people from both countries helped to foster some understanding on a personal level.

Nonetheless, North Korea never stopped its provocations. Indeed, there was no discernible change in the way the North Korean leadership behaved. Over time, it was hard to shake off the image that the South was capitulating to the demands of the North.

As former chief-of-staff to one of the main proponents of the ‘Sunshine policy’, President Moon Jae-in is undoubtedly keen to pursue a similar policy of rapprochement. The terms he will adopt will determine the success of such a policy.

Peace is the most desirable outcome, however, unity could be hard to achieve. Few are keen to address the fact that the current economic and social differences make it impossible for the two Korea’s to ever reunite, at least, within our lifetime.

Moreover, any long-lasting peace must be based on the understanding that human dignity and fundamental freedoms must be protected. When dealing with a regime founded and fuelled by fear, one needs to be cautious not to settle for any deal that would perpetuate injustice.

André DeBattista is an independent researcher in politics and international relations.

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