Irrespective of where one’s sympathies lie on the question of Catalan independence, I am sure everyone was shocked by the violence that erupted on the streets of Catalonia last Sunday. Equally shocking is the increasingly antagonistic relationship between the Spanish and Catalan governments in this dispute, with both sides painting themselves into a corner with little room for compromise.

The excessive force used by the Spanish police to prevent people from voting in Sunday’s independence referendum was unnecessary, not something we expect to see in an EU Member State, and without doubt counter-productive, even though the poll was clearly illegal and should never have been held in the first place.

Before going into what happened last Sunday and the days that followed, it is important for people to understand why the independence referendum, orga­nised by the regional government of Catalonia, was illegal. The poll was declared unconstitutional and banned by the Constitutional Court on the grounds that Spain’s 1978 Constitution decrees that the country is indivisible and that only the national government (i.e. the government of Spain) has the power to hold referendums.

So there is absolutely no doubt that the referendum should not have been held. In actual fact, only 2.2 million out of Catalonia’s 5.4 million eligible voters took part in the ballot, which represents a turnout of 42 per cent, and over 90 per cent voted in favour of secession. So such a low turnout is hardly a basis for the region to be granted Statehood, as claim­ed by Carles Puigdemont, the President of the government of Catalonia.

We must also remember that the Catalan government did not introduce a voter turnout threshold for the result to be valid, knowing full well that only a minority of people would vote in the referendum. After all, polls consistently showed that the large majority of Catalans did not agree with the holding of this referendum.

Furthermore, there have been reports of a number of irregu­lari­ties, partly due to the fact that voters were allowed to cast their ballots anywhere in a bid to get around police measures to stop the vote. There have also been reports in the Spanish media claiming some Catalan areas were counting far more votes than residents.

Catalonia’s President has now said he could declare independence any day. In response, Spain’s Constitutional Court suspended tomorrow’s session of the Catalan Parliament to prevent such a move, so we’ll see what happens. In any case, such a move towards independence would be irresponsible and illegal, it would lack any political legitimacy and it would not be recognised by either the Spanish government or Madrid’s EU partners. It would also create a constitutional crisis and could create turmoil in the country. What if other regions such as the Basque Country had to do the same?

Images of Spanish police beating Catalans simply because they turned up to vote was the perfect propaganda gift for those advocating splitting off from Spain

On the other hand it looks like the Spanish government of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy played into the hands of the secessionists by the way it reacted to the independence vote. While Mad­rid had the duty to defend the rule of law, it should also have been sensible enough to exercise restraint on the day of voting. Images all over Europe and the world of Spanish police beating Catalans and shooting rubber bullets at them simply because they turned up to vote was the perfect propaganda gift for those advocating splitting off from Spain.

Mr Rajoy also bears a portion of the blame for this situation by not working hard enough over the years (he has been in office since 2011) towards a new autonomy deal for Catalonia, especially after Spain’s Constitutional Court struck down parts of a new auto­nomy law for the region in 2010.

In a nutshell, a Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia was passed in 2006 by the Catalan legislature, which was then approved by Spain’s Parliament and later ratified in a referendum by Catalan voters. Almost immediately, Rajoy’s centre-right Popular Party, then in Opposition, challenged the law before the Constitutional Court, which then took four years to decide on the matter.

In its 2010 decision, the court struck down 14 of the statute’s 223 articles, including placing the Catalan language above Spanish in the region; regional powers over courts and judges; and the references to Catalonia as a nation. This court ruling is said to have angered a large part of the Catalan population and laid the ground for Sunday’s independence referendum. In the meantime, support for Catalan independence increased as the financial crisis engulfed Spain and corruption scandals tainted the established national political parties.

Both sides in this crisis – the Spanish and Catalan governments – need to show more flexibility, engage in a proper and meaningful dialogue and move away from a point of no return which they seem to be heading towards. The Spanish government certainly needs to show more political initiative in handling Catalonia. The aim should be to arrive at an arrange­ment that would expand the considerable autonomy the region al­ready enjoys under the Spanish Constitution, on the basis of the rule of law. Hopefully this is still possible despite last Sunday’s events.

Some observers have urged the European Union to get involved in this dispute as a mediator. I do not think this is necessary; this in an internal Spanish matter and Spain is a vibrant democracy that needs lessons from no one on how to run its own affairs. What the EU has done, and should continue to do, is to urge both sides to exercise moderation, common sense, flexibility and respect for the rule of law.

Catalonia is a crucial part of the Spanish economy. Its 7.5 million people make up 16 per cent of Spain’s population and the region accounts for 19 per cent of Spain’s GDP and 25 per cent of its exports. Independence would be a blow to Spain, but I believe it will be also very bad for Catalonia, which will no longer be part of the EU (it will have to reapply for membership and start negotiations from scratch). Creating a new border with Spain and the uncertainty that will inevitably follow a split from Madrid would negatively impact jobs and businesses. Cata­lonia, as a region of Spain, is already part of the EU, so achie­ving greater autonomy and being part of the European bloc gives it the best of both worlds.

Spain is a great country and I believe that all the regions can achieve so much more together. Of course, each region has its own sense of identity, some more than others, because they have their own language, such as Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia. However, they are ultimately all Spanish, and all contribute to making Spain what it is today. I hope that last week’s events will not start the process of Spain splitting up, and it is crucial that a process of dialogue between Madrid and Barcelona is re­started once again, with no pre-conditions. Too much is at stake.