This year marks the 100th anniversary of the start of the Russian October Revolution. The bloody regime established at the close of the revolution barely lasted 75 years.
Despite the best efforts of Mikhail Gorbachev, years of oppressive and dogmatic leadership led to a rigid socialist ideology, a failed political structure and a centrally-planned economic system which proved impossible to reform.
Inevitably, all revolutions end in failure. In some cases, such as the Russian Revolution and the Khmer Rouge regime, the failure is more apparent since it has obvious, immediate consequences. The effects of other revolutions, particularly those concerned with popular thought, are felt in the long-term and are harder to decipher.
Revolutions are ideological and social; violent and traumatic. They usher in rapid systematic changes which radically alter existing political systems. Their long-term success often depends on the ability to maintain such momentum. Alas, this often proves to be impossible.
The ongoing situation in Venezuela is a sad reminder of the dangers of revolutionary politics. Under the banner of ‘Motherland, socialism, or death’, the Bolivarian revolution championed by the late president Hugo Chavez, was meant to herald a new era of popular democracy, redistribution of income and economic independence. It hoped to establish an anti-imperialist, corruption-free socialist bulwark in Latin America - a model for 21st-century socialism.
Less than 20 years later, 40 people were shot in anti-government protests. Over a thousand other protestors lay injured in hospital. A total 152 opposition activists have been rounded up and sent to jail in a bid to quell dissent. They accuse the incumbent President, Nicolas Maduro, of wrecking the economy, adopting dictatorial practices and institutionalising corruption.
Their criticism is justified. Chavez and Maduro share the same appetite for heavy-handed authoritarian politics fuelled by the old populist rhetoric of anti-American anti-Imperialism.
The so-called ‘Bolivarian Revolution’ thrived on three pillars; the charismatic persona of Hugo Chavez, maintaining enthusiasm for the revolution through rhetoric and funding through oil revenue.
A government that can give you anything can take away everything
For a while after his untimely death in 2013, Chavez remained a revered figure. However, the Chavez myth began to unravel as the failures of the regime became more apparent. Popular disenchantment took root.
Students are now destroying his public monuments, and an even greater number of people are blaming him for the misery they find themselves in.
Chavez’s successor, Maduro, does not have the same ability to maintain enthusiasm for the Bolivarian revolution. The promised leaps in standard of living came to nothing. Declining oil revenues and the lack of economic diversification have made it impossible for the Venezuelan government to continue with its ambitious programmes. Hyperinflation and food and medicine shortages plague this Latin-American nation. Famine and destitution made an unwanted comeback. Support for the beleaguered President stands at 25 per cent.
Venezuela’s governing structures are riddled with corruption. The insidious nature of corruption robs citizens of the most basic tools for good and fair governance. Indeed, when corruption is so entrenched, it is in the interest of the ruling regime to preside over a deterioration of the rule of law in order to save itself from having to face justice.
Maduro’s response to popular discontent follows this pattern. He sought to weaken the institutions further by trying to abolish the legislative arm of government and by rewriting the constitution to suit his aims. The opposition has taken to the streets to protest against the ruling regime. The President and his supporters responded violently and accused opposition protesters of colluding with the US to bring about a violent coup.
The Church is also bravely resisting the Maduro regime. The bishops accused Maduro of wanting to establish “a totalitarian, militaristic, violent, oppressive police state system”. Supporters of the government responded by attacking the headquarters of the Episcopal Conference, looting churches and smearing excrement over holy images.
Support from the Vatican has been somewhat lacklustre, and its offer to mediate has been rebuffed by the regime.
Millions of Venezuelans are choosing to emigrate. Brazil and Colombia are bearing the brunt of this chaos. Colombia alone hosts approximately one million Venezuelans. Others have settled in more distant destinations such as Buenos Aires, Panama City and Madrid. Mass migration widens the significance of the conflict.
Several regional governments are calling for a timetable for elections and are urging Maduro to release political prisoners. Other international organisations are, however, reluctant to take a tougher stand against Maduro. Inaction will only serve to embolden the regime.
Alas, revolution promises quick and easy answers to grave social problems. Its appeal to the marginalised and disenchanted cannot be underestimated. Revolutions are meant to be ‘anti-establishment’ in nature. In practice, a ruling elite is replaced by a revolutionary elite. The initial rewards are beneficial and enticing. However, the long-term effects are violent and disastrous.
Revolution has a corrupting influence which leads to exploitation, sleaze and dishonesty. It hinges on the perpetuation of a rhetorical narrative which is discredited at the first sign of trouble. This will have negative consequences on both supporters and opponents of the so-called revolution.
The dictum that “a government that can give you anything can take away everything” rings true. The guarantee for well-being, fairness and social justice does not come through government handouts but through strong institutional checks and balances.
Revolutions lead to the triumph of individuals and ideologies rather than independent institutions. The ongoing crisis is yet another pertinent reminder of dangerous slippery slope which comes with revolutionary politics.
André DeBattista is an independent researcher in the field of politics and international relations.
andre.deb@gmail.com