Terrorism transcends national boundaries, and former Libyan foreign minister Mohamed Abdul-Aziz has no doubt Isis wants to attack Europe. Ahead of Sunday’s proposed ministerial conferencein Rome, he tells Leonard Callus that if Europeans are serious they should empower Libyans to attack this terrorist group.

What is the state of affairs in Libya?

The common man in Libya is really fed up. They are so tired. The human rights abuses, detentions, kidnappings and torture – particularly in the militias’ detention centres – cannot go on forever. Prices are going up while commodities are getting scarce. The Libyans are looking for a saviour. We have to save our country before it becomes a failed State.

How would you describe the security situation?

From a security point of view, the situation is deteriorating. The militias are controlling the western part. In the east we have the Libyan national army under General Khali­fa Haftar, as well as Ansar al Sharia [a Salafist Islamist militia group that advocates the implementation of strict Sharia law], while Daesh [a name being used to describe the terrorist group Isis] is in Derna and part of Benghazi. What is more serious is the idea of expanding territories. Isis controls Sirte and is imposing an administration that is suitable to its objectives. It has a presence in Sabratha. Adjabya is also under threat, and that means [access to] oil refineries.

Why is Isis a threat?

Isis in Libya networks between its elements in Africa, the Sahel region, Syria, Iraq and other parts of the world. Their position will be strengthened by controlling more territory and resources. Look at Syria, where they are selling oil and buying the best weapons.

Six months ago I was in Paris and pleaded with French officials to pursue ‘preventive’ security measures without delay. The more time passes, the more Isis will be strengthened.

I refer to Syria in particular because increased bombardments on this country will mean Isis will shift their base to Libya.

Isis is gaining ground in Libya. Most of them are foreigners. Lib-yans represent only five per cent of the 5,000 to 7,000 Isis and al-Qaeda elements in Libya.

Ansar al Sharia, al-Qaeda, Isis and jihadists could unite against the West and against the creation of a civil State in Libya. Such an alliance of Islamist groups will be very serious if we don’t proceed quickly to have a national accord government in place.

International support is conditional upon setting up the security establishment, and that requires a government.

Isis is not strong in terms of numbers. It is strong because it frightens people

Three days ago I met Martin Kobler, the new special envoy of the UN Secretary General. I told him one has to detach the creation of a national government from the politi­cal agreement. The latter may take six months, and we cannot allow a political vacuum.

Is the situation in Sirte worrying for Europe?

Certainly.

Do you think that Isis wants to attack Europe?

I have no doubt about it! Terrorism transcends national boundaries. They use Islam as a symbol, which is completely wrong. They just want to kill. If Europeans are serious they should empower Libyans to do the job. We will fight Isis on behalf of Europeans, if empowered.

What do you think of the UK’s decision to bomb Isis in Syria?

I believe an integrated approach to fight Isis is crucial to succeed. Air bombardments are no guarantee to success. At best they may lead to partial success. Work on the ground is necessary. The Syrians who are willing to fight Isis have to be enabled and strengthened.

Look at Benghazi. Why didn’t Khalifa Haftar succeed in liberating the city? Because it’s not a classical war. It requires urban warfare against an ideological and strongly motivated enemy.

It’s not enough to bombard Sirte or Sabratha.

Should bombing Isis in Sirte be considered?

The decision has to be coordinated very carefully. You cannot just come and bombard. The UK is sending special intelligence forces to gather information in Sirte.

Libya is a sovereign State and any decision has to be taken in agreement with the legitimate Libyan government and only after solid information on Isis positions. We cannot repeat the mistakes made in Iraq and Afghanistan by basing attacks solely on air superiority.

You cannot succeed against Isis by just using foreign powers. You need to have the local alliance behind you.

Are most Libyans against Isis?

Of course, and there is evidence of this – 85 per cent of those who voted in the 2012 elections did not vote for candidates with a fundamentalist orientation, and the same happened last year.

In Libya there is a culture in favour of moderation and against extremism. The political will to fight Isis is there. The Libyans want the means and tools to do it.

Is Isis presenting itself as a saviour?

Isis is not strong in terms of numbers. It is strong because it frightens people. In Sirte some families have put their children in the hands of Isis because they’re afraid that if they don’t, the whole family will be threatened. So you have young Libyans recruited by Isis. If it’s done in Sirte, the same will happen in other cities.

How can the EU help?

The support we need is to enable this national accord government to be able to do the job.

You cannot succeed against Isis by just using foreign powers. You need to have the local alliance behind you

What would you propose as a way forward?

For many years I have been advocating the return to a constitutional monarchy, similar to that in Spain, the UK and Nordic countries.

I am referring to the 1951 Constitution as amended in 1963. This was not repealed in 1969. Rather, it was suspended. I propose it is put into effect for a two-to-three-year period as a starting point for the return to normality. Libya would maintain its territorial integrity and create a stable environment toward rebuilding the country and rule of law.

Who should be king?

I was in touch with Prince Mohammed El Senussi, the heir the throne. The only condition he made was that this idea for a constitutional monarchy has to enjoy support from the local population.

The political situation is conducive to dividing Libya, as there are two governments, and the only way to saving the country is to return to the 1951 Constitution. The committee drafting the Libyan constitution has not completed its work and its members told me it will be ready in a few months’ time.

And if the Libyans do not want a king?

Libyans will have the opportunity to decide what political system they want. Moreover, Article 94 of the 1951 Constitution provides for a house of representatives and a senate. The 2014 elected members can make up the former, while the senate members may be chosen from the 2012 elected General National Congress members. This way everybody will be included in the process… always for a transitional period.

Have you followed up your proposal with the Maltese government?

I am planning to see the Maltese Foreign Affairs Minister at theministerial meeting in Rome on December 13. It is going to be quite important to take firm decisions on Libya. It is an opportunity to present this political option – which is a Libyan one.

Will Libyans agree on a national accord government?

The national accord government is going to happen. This is the only option for the Libyans. The Rome meeting due next week seeks to achieve this.