Information and Communication Technologies were born out of Cold War politics. The end of the Cold War, which coincided with rampant deregulation throughout the 1980s, opened the way for economic players to become protagonists.

The Noughties saw the widespread diffusion of new technologies such as the internet and mobile telephony and their rapid convergence with the old media like TV, radio and newspapers. This is transforming political communication strategies and public diplomacy. We are living in the era of "soft power" where states acknowledge the need to win the hearts and minds of foreign publics. In "public diplomacy", states communicate with these external publics. There are efforts to move towards a new public diplomacy, where the world audiences can interact with states.

ICT provide excellent means for this end and they are not merely used by strong states like the USA. An excellent public diplomacy exercise came from Jordan where Queen Rania embarked on a "send me your stereotypes" campaign on YouTube. Similarly, Israeli strategists are also trying to use interactive means, such as Twitter, in an attempt to mend the tarnished image of their country.

International relations depend on national processes. The Obama campaign in the USA illustrates the wonderful campaigning possibilities offered by ICT for democratic processes. This presidential campaign successfully engaged and empowered previously disenfranchised masses. Many assume that the rise of Obama, with his promise of hope for world politics (multilateralism, non-proliferation, denuclearisation, social equity etc.) would have been unlikely without his successful internet campaign.

Obama's campaign confirmed the great mobilising potential of the internet, which had already been acknowledged by international social movements, especially the vociferous anti-globalisation movement that organised through the internet and had no headquarters and no formal structures.

ICT widened the scope and role of the global civil society and enabled greater networking and more room for influence in international institutions like the United Nations, where over 20,000 NGOs now have a formal advisory role. Recently, the internet provided an effective platform for the voice of global civil society during the Copenhagen summit on climate change. Even individuals had unbounded possibilities to take part in the debates that took place then.

The democratising potential of the internet is also linked to high-profile countries like Iran. How far did the internet empower the protesters? Can the pictures of the Iranian clashes serve as an inspiration to others in the region? Can regimes suppress strong opposition movements who manage to harness the power of Facebook and Twitter? How long can countries keep arresting bloggers and cyberspace dissidents?

In spite of this, technological advancement increased pressures on international players as they now need to offer faster responses to emerging issues. ICT may open opportunities for greater transparency and accountability, but some question whether they lead to improved global security. Do politicians now have adequate time to make vital decisions, like going to war, on the basis of reliable intelligence and sound feedback from their respective diplomats?

Moreover, we have seen extremist movements using ICT to threaten international security, as experienced in the case of Al Qaeda. There is also widespread concern that the internet can be a channel for the radicalisation of diasporas and of second-generation immigrants in the West. The attacks in Madrid and London engendered fears that Al Qaeda was using ICT to recruit and maybe even train cell groups. Furthermore, while it is widely acknowledged that the internet provides great opportunity for international dialogue and understanding, there are concerns that the internet is also a tool to spread racial and ethnic hatred. Such fears grew after the incidents of the Danish cartoons and also after Geert Wilders disseminated his incendiary movie Fitna through YouTube.

Yet, ICT offers great opportunities for small island states because the internet can reduce their political and economic insularity. It has been suggested that Second Life may provide the virtual space for those small states, like Malta, that have the proper infrastructure but do not have the personnel and resources to open embassies and consular services in all parts of the world. Through Second Life they can extend their services virtually.

While ICT facilitates a global two-way flow, some people are still marginalised. There is still a glaring digital divide that excludes underdeveloped populations who are mainly based in poor rural areas. Hence, the internet has opened greater possibilities but it has exacerbated some old international divides between the North and South. Efforts are being made to include more and more people, for instance with the development of the 100-dollar-laptop, as it is now acknowledged that the internet does not merely empower people to interact but it also has a great developmental potential.

Malta has been one of the countries that have identified this possibility through a commitment towards an ICT-led economy, if and when the SmartCity project materialises. Yet this objective depends on the current fate of a globalised economy.

This is an article in a series looking back at how technology changed our lives in the past decade, known as the Noughties.

Dr Sammut is a lecturer in media and international relations at the University of Malta.

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