For years, Italian politicians have been hotly debating about how best to change the Constitution in order to improve their electoral system. Two weeks ago, former Premier Silvio Berlusconi proposed that Italy opt for a semi-presidential system similar to that of neighbouring France.
The ‘backbench’ revolt ... evidences all the shortcomings of the present electoral system- Joseph Vella Bonnici
Mr Berlusconi explained that Italy had to make a choice between its present electoral system, which he compared to that of “ungovernable” Greece, and the French system, which saw a smooth changing of the guard within a matter of days. The latter facilitated Presid-ent François Hollande’s full participation at global (G8, Nato) as well as regional (EU, Germany) summits. This is a very crude comparison because there are many other factors at play, but it enabled Mr Berlusconi to make his point.
Last November his government resigned to make way for former European Commissioner Mario Monti to form a technocratic Cabinet, meant to steer Italy through its debt crisis. Mr Monti decided to go for academics and not include any politicians within his Cabinet.
What led the Italian political system to this situation?
Mr Berlusconi’s proposal got a cold reaction. Opposition parties remarked that he had had ample time as Premier to effect the necessary constitutional changes which he believed necessary. Many observers interpreted his proposal as political bravado, a gimmick meant to revive his personal appeal and that of his party, the Popolo della Libertà.
The PDL got a severe bashing in last month’s local elections, which consecrated Beppe Grillo’s Movimento 5 Stelle as a national political force. The comedian’s movement is the antithesis of party politics and is campaigning against nepotism, corruption and austerity, among other aspects.
Mr Grillo’s movement is spreading like wildfire and is now considered as Italy’s third major political force. The movement is much more than a major shift in Italy’s political landscape. It is a new way of doing politics, going beyond democracy as a “once-every-five-years” vote. Mr Grillo calls it “hyper-democracy” because it gives a bigger and more direct say to citizens.
The 5 Stelle movement has no party clubs; the internet is its home. The grassroots movement, which is reminiscent of America’s Tea Party, relies on extensive blogging and virtual networking.
The internet is fast becoming a primary channel to communicate with citizens. The critical question is: Will Mr Grillo’ s unstructured movement withstand the test of time? Is it a form of “new age” politics that will challenge conventional party structures and way of operation, redefine the role of politicians and give more power to the people?
In Malta too there is talk about reforming our Constitution. All political parties acknowledge the need for change but the devil is in the details. Along the years, various ad hoc constitutional changes, such as those linking first-count votes to a parliamentary majority, were made in an effort to make the electoral system more effective. They may have been steps in the right direction but they have generated their own negative side-effects nonetheless.
The “backbench” revolt that has plagued the present government evidences all the shortcomings of the present electoral system. As things stand, the system is a hotchpotch that brings together party interests as well as those of individual politicians. Many of the latter invest a lot of money and effort in their political careers and expect that their investment be adequately recognised and rewarded. If, for whatever reason, this recognition is not forthcoming, it is natural for a politician to feel dejected as his/her image will suffer, thereby reducing the resources available for re-election.
Weakened party loyalties and increased individualism are leading to “power trading” within government and party structures. Is this in the best interests of demo-cracy and improved governance?
Public policymaking and its management are becoming increasingly complex and demand a certain level of technical prepar-ation. The increasingly cross-cutting nature of policies demands that politicians are first and foremost “team players” who can see beyond their patch of turf.
Another glaring limitation of our parliamentary system is that, by nature, it entails a fusion of powers between the legislative and executive branches, and this often leads to failure in separating government from party interests. The present government crisis is proving how hard it is for Cabinet ministers to put national interests first if this may be detrimental to party interests.
Other constitutional changes are necessary to better reflect the impact of globalisation and EU membership on our country and to exploit new technologies to give a bigger role to civil society and more direct citizen participation.
The matter has now been taken up by President George Abela who has initiated a public debate on how best to reform the Constitution. Labour leader Joseph Muscat has repeatedly stated that he favours the birth of “a second republic” that involves a holistic review of the Constitution and the electoral system.
Unlike Italy, we should not wait for a major crisis to get a Monti-style government or to start a grassroots movement. It is time to “think outside the box” and consider the merit of Malta adopting a semi-presidential system that would enable our political leaders to exploit the best talent in governing our country, leave sufficient political space for elected legis-lators and encourage more direct citizen participation.
No electoral system is perfect, but this should not deter us from improving on what we have. Is our political class ready for such a reform?
fms18@onvol.net