There is much euphoria accompanied by high expectations regarding the (so-far incomplete) liberation of Libya from the iron grip of Muammar Gaddafi, who held total and absolute sway for almost 42 years. Both are understandable. Practically every government in the world, including our own throughout the four-plus decades kow-towed to Col Gaddafi at some time or another, despite knowing what sort of ruler he was.

Now, the respected scholarly Libyan Ambassador to Malta says we are brothers to the Libyans and nobody raises an eyebrow- Lino Spiteri

In international diplomacy it is very rare for nations to unite against a particular despot. All is fair in the name of trade and prosperity, perhaps with relative peace thrown in. Col Gaddafi was only shunned, mostly by the United States and Britain, after the Lockerbie outrage. And, though sanctions were declared and enforced against his regime, many governments, once again including our own, found ways and means to tear holes in them to bypass them.

They did not do so for love of Col Gaddafi and what he stood for. They did it out of self-interest. Internationally, that included oil supplies and arms’ sales. In Malta’s case, the government was motivated by Libyan direct investment in Maltese, and jobs for Maltese workers in Libya itself.

One might well ask: did the Labour governments have to be so close to Col Gaddafi in the 1970s and 1980s, though it fell out with him when he sent his gunboats to stop a Maltese effort at oil exploration? Did Mr Mintoff have to decorate Gaddafi and say Libyans were our blood brothers? Did the Nationalist governments have to maintain that closeness, albeit not in a military sense, elevate Labour’s Order of Merit decoration to Col Gaddafi, grant an early release to the terrorist who had hijacked an Egyptian airliner with dreadful consequences on Malta’s soil, and see the Prime Minister embrace Col Gaddafi as if he were a long-lost brother even when the Arab spring had begun?

One can ask myriad questions. They become childish and senseless when the events they cover are taken out of their historical context. Now, the respected scholarly Libyan Ambassador to Malta says we are brothers to the Libyans and nobody raises an eyebrow. That is because the historical context has changed. Col Gaddafi is almost out, and everybody says good riddance to him.

Perhaps we were not as euphoric as others who salivated at the prospect of the riches they hoped to exploit in the new Libya, though Prime Minister Lawrence Gonzi was among the first to say Gaddafi’s time was up. But we welcomed the change. It is obvious we too have high expectations regarding the opportunities it should open up to our business class and workers, so high that, perhaps, we are not keeping our expectations in a reality perspective.

For instance, the Prime Minister has urged Malta’s contractors to unite so as to be in a stronger position to bid for Libyan projects. I understand his objective, based on the old lesson that in unity there is strength and on economies of scale. But I disagree. The big contracts in Libya will go to big international contractors. Our own contractors, many of whom are as bright and motivated as they come, can gain spin-offs from those successful bidders.

Also, I see a danger in contractors getting together to go for the bigger projects. The potential rewards may seem larger, but the risks will be bigger as well. Contractors might expose themselves far more than they are used to do, though the banks are unlikely to do likewise. Maltese economic agents should hone their resources and skills to grasp the coming opportunities, certainly. They would be wise to maintain a sense of proportion.

They should also be careful about the contacts and relationships they build up over the coming months. The government is doing its best to bind and cultivate relations with the leading members of the Libyan National Transitional Council. But the kernel of that body will not be there in a few months’ time, possibly quite earlier. On Monday NTC head Mustafa Abdul-Jalil promised in a press conference that a new transitional government would be announced within a month of liberation being declared. That would happen, he said, as soon as Sirte was captured by the revolutionary forces.

Of particular relevance to my point above was the fact that both Abdul-Jalil and Mahmoud Jibril, who is acting as Prime Minister, said that they would stand down after liberation had been declared. Political relationships will have to be patiently built up with a new emerging political class. The plaudits to Malta by the American Secretary of State will be of little use in that process. Also, it is unlikely that breezy Libyan promises regarding Malta’s long-standing objective to reach an agreement to enable us to commence oil explorations in promising but disputed waters, will not be rapidly redeemed by tomorrow’s fresh transitional or elected rulers.

The government is doing well to organise missions for business people to visit Libya. Business people would do better still if they identify and start cultivating Libyan individuals and companies who will come to form the backbone of the liberated Libya. The Libyan political class is likely to be of a very volatile nature for a few years, although our government, whatever its hue, has to build up its own relations with it in the changed historical circumstances.