With more than a hint of irony, several leaders hailing from countries that are friends of Libya, including our Prime Minister, met on September 1, the day that would otherwise have been “celebrated” as the 42nd anniversary of Muammar Gaddafi’s rise to power.

... Libya will find out that its little neighbour to the north can prove a reliable friend where it matters most- Simon Busuttil

They committed themselves to help Libya rebuild its future. For those of us who cherish the prospect of a democratic Libya, this meeting could not come too soon.

So where does one start?

Libya’s immediate priority is to end violence. The handling of Sirte will be key. If the last Gaddafi loyalists opt for a negotiated surrender this would bode well for peace and reconciliation. Likewise, the victors must resist any temptation for retribution. The rebels (if one can call them that any longer) have so far demonstrated admirable restraint. They must show more if the country is to achieve stability any time soon. Whatever the outcome at Sirte, the political and military achievements made by the Libyan people in the last six months are now sufficiently robust to resist reversal.

The other immediate need of the Libyan people is to see life return to a normality of sorts with the resumption of the basic utility services of water and electricity to all places where they have been disrupted. The medical services must also be assisted to bring relief to the victims of violence.

With the clean-up operation underway, the political process must then start. The leadership of the National Transitional Council has already committed itself to the establishment of a constituent assembly that would lead to a new Constitution and to democratic elections by spring. That is very good.

How can the EU and Malta help?

Libya is a rich country and, barring the immediate need for cash flow to address urgent needs, it will not need much financial assistance from Europe. But this is not to say that the EU has nothing to offer. Far from it.

Building democratic institutions in a country that has had none for the past four decades is not a piece of cake. The EU has plenty of experience in this department and it can provide sustained assistance in helping the new Libyan government build strong institutions that are essential in a democratic state. This ranges from a free and fair electoral process to an independent judiciary and from a pluralistic media to the empowerment of civil society and political parties.

On the economic front, the EU can open its doors to trade and offer Libya the advanced status it is offering Tunisia. But the quid pro quo must be clear. The greatest EU support should go for those countries that pursue the path to democracy. Oil will obviously attract a great deal of interest. And Libya is well able to take care of its interests, as it should. But the EU can help Libya pursue environmental sustainability not least by transferring know-how on alternative sources of energy.

And Malta?

No doubt, Malta’s biggest contribution to Libya can be through its role as its honest friend within the institutions of the EU, not least the European Parliament.

The European Parliament was one of the first places that the NTC’s Mahmoud Jibril visited soon after the February uprising. I was in the meeting he had with our president, Jerzy Buzek. The European Parliament has been one of the most vociferous supporters of the NTC ever since.

Whereas some of the large EU countries will make noises about pushing Libya’s interests, their attention might soon turn elsewhere. At that point, Libya will find out that its little neighbour to the north can prove a reliable friend where it matters most. But it takes two to tango.

For too long Malta’s friendship with Libya has been unrequited. It is for the new governing elite to show that this friendship is no longer a one-way street. The prospect of drilling for oil in areas where Malta considers it has a right to do so will be an obvious start. Libya must drop its objection. After all, Malta is not asking too much.

But beyond that, Malta can help in other departments, some of which have already been spelt out by the Maltese government. For instance, our expertise in the teaching of the English language can be an important asset. Other areas include cooperation in the medical and tourism sectors where we have a proven track record.

That leaves one white elephant in the room: immigration.

What we had long suspected has now been confirmed, namely that the Gaddafi regime was unleashing an exodus of boat people in order to blackmail Europe and us along with them. Although this reality was staring at us in the face, some had long preferred to ignore it, choosing instead to vent meaningless xenophobic feelings (the let-them-drown-syndrome) or simply to point fingers at the government or at the EU.

But all this may now change since sub-Saharan migrants will no longer be the subject of Col Gaddafi’s reprisal.

And, instead, the new Libya may well become a magnet for immigrants itself – from all over the world, seeking to partake in the endless opportunities that this country can now offer. If that happens, the end of Col Gaddafi could also bring about the end of an episode that has haunted Malta and dominated our local political discourse for the best part of the last decade. That would be one extra blessing as a bonus.

simon.busuttil@europarl.europa.eu

Dr Busuttil is a Nationalist member of the European Parliament.

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