Daniel Micallef, President of the Labour Party

Since the result of the last election was announced, we have seen a myriad of analyses about the state of the Nationalist Party, its leadership and policies (or lack of) and what needs to be done. I can only speak as an observer from afar, with no direct experience of the party’s internal climate and modus operandi.

What struck me though was that among those coming forward and pontificating on what needs to be done are people who were (and still are) in the thick of it. They are either trying to exonerate themselves from any responsibility or else it means they were really and truly alien as to how the party they represent was being run.

When Ann Fenech and Rosette Thake were elected/appointed to their respective positions, my first reaction was that it was a step in the right direction for the Nationalist Party. Not because I had any sort of knowledge of their skills or expertise but because they were two of the people who were responsible for drafting the electoral loss report back in 2013 (an executive summary of which was published).

So, it goes without saying that they had heard and had a first-hand feel of what was wrong back then and what was needed to bring the Nationalist Party back on track. I admit I was very wrong though, not because the onus of such fell solely on Fenech’s or Thake’s shoulders but because the establishment (referred to as the “dark side” and “the small clan” by former Nationalist Cabinet minister Michael Falzon) within the Nationalist Party decided to totally ignore the 2013 result. They treated it as a fluke – as an abnormal occurrence that would not repeat itself.

The Nationalist Party needs to dig out the 2013 report on the election result, dust it off and go through it again

Incidentally, 14 months after the March 2013 result, the same (give or take something) margin was registered in the European Parliament elections.

The Nationalist Party today does not need any detailed report or analysis of the result experienced on June 3. All that needs to be done is to dig out the 2013 report, dust it off and go through it again. One would realise immediately that not only did the Nationalist leadership ignore the reports’ recommendations – that would have been wrong enough – but they adopted an exact opposite strategy totally ignoring what the party’s grassroots and supporters had recommended.

The overriding factor was the continuous negative campaigning (again, one of the points raised in 2013 report).

The “small clan” never came to terms with the 2013 loss and wasted four years in Opposition trying to convince itself and the electorate that it has a divine right to govern and that the electorate was wrong in 2013.

The last straw was trying to get to Prime Minister Joseph Muscat by dragging his wife in a fabricated ‘scandal’.

But there are two sides to the proverbial coin; ‘what’s wrong with the Nationalist Party’ cannot be taken in isolation from ‘what’s good with the Labour Party’ and its performance in the last four years.

Throughout the campaign, the Nationalist Party did not propose any tangible alternative ways to the electorate in the economic, social, educational, health and civil liberties sectors, among others. This was the best certificate to the Labour administration.

Simon Busuttil was totally detached from the people, continuously repeating a strained narrative while trying to convince people that the prevailing situation in the country was the exact opposite of what our families and businesses were in reality experiencing.

Many Nationalist Party apologists are already adopting the same attitude: “The Nationalist Party was fit to govern but the electorate was selfish and chose wrongly”. This should serve as a wake-up call for those who truly hold the Nationalist Party and its 140-year history at heart.

Mark Anthony Sammut, PN Local Councillor

While the 2013 election defeat was, by and large anticipated, given the long time the Nationalist Party had spent in power, the infighting that blotted its final legislature and the renewal of the Labour Party, the heavy defeat suffered in 2017 took everyone by surprise.

Unfortunately, the party was not realising that, while a number of Labour supporters were joining the anti-corruption cause being pushed by the PN, another swathe of voters who had always supported the PN were defecting to Labour.

There were various factors which led to this. First and foremost, the fact that the economy was still doing well and creating a feel-good factor among the general population. Secondly, the power of incumbency was being used to its utmost.

The PN must be quick to react and to propose policies addressing today’s fast-changing realities

Nationalist voters were targeted and given the permits they had always been refused, backdated promotions they felt they were due and government jobs for them or their children. This was enough for them and their families to switch to Labour. But it would be too simplistic to attribute two consecutive heavy defeats solely to the luck of a booming international economy and very cheap oil prices and the extensive abuse of the powers of government.

The PN needs a lot of soul-searching to correct what it has been doing wrong if it is to win again the trust of the majority. Below are just a few points for reflection.

First of all, it needs to understand that while the values of good governance and the fight against corruption remain valid and important, for the many people who struggle to make ends meet, other bread and butter issues are more of a priority.

It does not necessarily mean that those who voted Labour agree with corruption. But it could mean they either felt the PN was still unable to tackle this issue or that their life still had a bigger probability of improving with the continuation of a Labour government than with returning the PN to power.

And this is the political narrative which, unfortunately, the PN lost and needs to rediscover.

Throughout its years in power, the PN was the party which inherited a third world country and transformed it and modernised its economy, changing it from one based solely on low-end manufacturing to one based on tourism and services, injecting high quality and high paying jobs. It was the party that introduced civil, social and political liberties, opened up education and improved employment rights.

Unfortunately, it did not manage to explain that the unpopular decisions during its last legislature were not made because it was sadistic but because it had to face the worse international recession of the last century and it was thanks to those decisions that Joseph Muscat inherited a strong and fruitful economy, ready to exploit the now booming economic reality. It allowed Muscat to take the credit for the economic success our country is experiencing.

But the biggest challenge the party faces in my opinion is that its media and political organisation are not managing to deliver its message in a sectorial, targeted manner.

While national issues being raised by the party are strong and important and are the pillars of a properly-functioning democracy, in today’s deluge of information you need to be able to segment your audience and deliver a message that directly resonates with the individual’s interests.

The new administration that will be elected to lead the party needs to make this a priority for the country to have a strong, effective Opposition that is quick to react and to propose policies addressing today’s fast-changing realities.

I am very optimistic the PN will find the right people, both young and old, new and experienced, who, together, will form a great team and lead it back to being the main driver of our country’s democratic and economic progress. I look forward to giving my all in helping it renew itself.

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