The election of Mohammed Morsi as President of Egypt provides this strategically important Arab country with a new chance to continue on the road to democracy and to carry out much-needed economic and political reforms. Egypt is a leader in the Arab world; how the country transforms itself could be a model for the entire region and the co-existence between the Islamist Morsi and the powerful Egyptian military will be carefully watched by the international community.
Morsi’s decision to appoint a Christian and a woman as his two vice-presidents is definitely a step in the right direction- Anthony Manduca
Morsi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, was declared President by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, with 51.73 per cent of the popular vote, compared to 48.27 per cent for his rival, Ahmed Shafiq, a former Air Force General and Hosni Mubarak’s last Prime Minister. Morsi’s election made history: this was the first free presidential election in Egypt and it marked the first time in the Arab world that an Islamist has come to power by democratic means.
Morsi’s challenges are indeed huge. He must first appreciate the fact that he only got 26 per cent of the vote in the first round of the presidential election where voter turnout was only 46 per cent.
In the second round he received nearly 52 per cent of the vote and voter turnout was only 51 per cent. Half the electorate, therefore, was unhappy with both candidates, and of the other half who went to the polls, only 52 per cent backed Morsi.
The new President, therefore, needs to be a unifying figure in Egypt, he must reach out to all those who did not vote for him, and he must acknowledge that he certainly has no mandate to turn Egypt into an Islamist state.
Furthermore, he must recognise that secular, liberal elements in Egyptian society played a crucial role in the country’s revolution which overthrew the Mubarak regime, and the composition of his new administration should be a reflection of this. It is no exaggeration to say that Morsi’s success, and the success of Egypt’s fragile democracy, will depend on the new President’s ability at coalition and consensus building.
The President, who was sworn in yesterday, has got off to a good start. He has promised to be President of all Egyptians, Muslim and Christian, has vowed to appoint a Prime Minister and a number of ministers from outside the ranks of the Muslim Brotherhood, and has pledged to uphold all of Egypt’s international treaties, meaning he will respect his country’s peace treaty with Israel. His decision to appoint a Christian and a woman as his two vice-presidents is definitely a step in the right direction.
A crucial challenge for Morsi will be his relationship with the army, which has been the real power in Egypt for the past 60 years. The army will continue to wield influence in Egypt for many more years, and over the past few weeks it enacted measures aimed at entrenching its control over politics.
A recent court order dissolved the Islamist-dominated Parliament and the army awarded itself legislative power and the authority to appoint individuals who will write the country’s constitution. It also exempted itself from civilian oversight and re-introduced aspects of martial law.
There is no doubt that the army and the new Islamist President are going to have to co-exist for many years. Compromises will have to be made and the two sides will have to acknowledge each other’s role in the new Egypt.
Yes, in an ideal situation the army should simply retreat to its barracks and exit the political scene completely, concentrating instead on protecting the country’s territorial integrity and defending the nation from its enemies. Hopefully this scenario will come about in the long term, but it will be a gradual process. In the meantime the two power centres in Egypt will have to get along with each other for the good of the country and all its citizens.
Some observers have questioned whether a political party with Islamic roots fits into a democratic set-up and whether such a party and a secular military establishment can actually co-exist.
The country to look at, of course, is Turkey, which should be a model for the entire Arab and Muslim world. Despite some flaws in its democracy, Turkey has come a very long way, it has introduced many political reforms, sent its military back to its barracks and remained a largely secular country despite being governed by a political party with Islamist roots.
True, the secular opposition parties in Turkey would argue that the Turkish government has turned its back on the country’s secular tradition, but we are here talking about the degree of secularism, and Turkey nonetheless remains a secular nation.
Turkey has certainly been successful at reducing the military’s role in the country’s politics, but this was a slow and gradual process. The new Egyptian President would do well look at Turkey for inspiration and hopefully the Turks will be more than willing to give the Egyptians some much- needed advice on dealing with the military and reconciling Islam with democracy.
The success of an Islamist President in Egypt will also have far- reaching consequences for other Islamist groups in the Middle East. The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood is, after all, the ‘grandfather’ of such groups, having been founded in 1928.
Islamist groups now play an important role in post-revolutionary Tunisia and Libya, and in Syria the Brotherhood is an important force within the opposition. Furthermore, Hamas, which rules the Gaza strip, is an ideological offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood.
If Morsi in Egypt manages to bring about genuine political and economic reforms while respecting democracy, this would have a positive effect on other Islamic groups in the region.
The transition we are witnessing in Egypt is nothing short of historic and is a test of how Islamic movements can govern in full accordance with democratic norms and principles.
It also gives Egypt the opportunity to be a role model in the Arab world and give hope and encouragement to millions of people in the region who yearn for a better future.