An electoral alliance between the Nationalist and Democratic parties is taking shape. Substantial details have emerged about the form it might take, although it is still subject to approval by the PN. We know, for example, that the idea is for PD candidates to be included on the PN ballot list and for the two parties to campaign on a joint manifesto with pledges of good governance, electoral and party finance reform and sustainable development.
The budding partnership was born of PN leader Simon Busuttil’s call for a “coalition against corruption” and made possible by PD leader Marlene Farrugia’s defection from Labour over what she saw as a betrayal of its principles.
The intention behind the coalition seems noble enough but it has not got off to a good start. After it was announced that agreement was close, details about the arrangements purportedly reached were made public by the PD side, eliciting an angry reaction from some within the PN, who alleged lack of consultation.
The episode does not augur well for the future smooth running of the coalition. On the other hand, it could represent mere teething troubles and the sharp learning curve of a political experiment.
If the experiment works and the PN is elected to power against the odds, with a PD representative in tow and a slim majority, one might hope for a scenario in which the junior partner keeps the senior one on its toes in terms of quality of governance and fulfilment of pledges. This would be especially welcome given the disastrous collapse of institutional checks and balances witnessed under this administration. Dr Farrugia, a champion of the environment, might also present a counterforce to the building industry’s powerful hold on politics.
However, the prospect of a coalition government also raises the spectre of an unstable one. Dr Farrugia has already withdrawn once from a governing party. For voters this means that much needs to be clarified before they are asked to vote for a PD candidate in aid of a PN victory at the polls.
Voters, for one, must be reasonably convinced the PN has sorted itself out in its relationship with the PD. All its MPs and officials must be fully invested in making the coalition work, as any infighting would impinge on its ability to govern stably and effectively.
It is vital that the joint manifesto is hammered out in enough detail to limit the chances of misunderstanding between the coalition partners in government. The electorate needs total clarity on this, as well as on how power would be shared: would a PD MP necessarily be offered a ministry?
The red lines need to be made public. Exactly what breaches of principle or pledges would cause the PD to jump ship? This must be declared. Voters need to know.
There must also be no doubts whatsoever that Dr Busuttil would be calling the shots, bar the possibility of fundamental disagreements. Otherwise it would be a recipe for uncertainty and chaos.
The electorate also requires certainty on how the constitutional provisions for the allocation of extra seats would work out, given the novel situation of having two parties share a ballot list while effectively remaining separate entities. Will all the parties have the same interpretation of the law and is there the risk of legal challences being mounted in certain scenarios?
Coalitions tend to strengthen democracy but weaken governability. The country desperately needs the former but also needs to be assured of a certain stability.
The building of this coalition, if it actually gets off the ground, will take compromise and trust on both sides. It would take more than that for Alternattiva Demokratika, far better established than Partit Demokratiku, to join the formation if the opportunity presents itself: it would take a degree of self-sacrifice.
However, while AD would hold their noses while shaking hands on any pre-electoral agreement with the PN, it does not mean they would be subsumed by it if one or two of their candidates were elected to Parliament – and there is arguably a bigger chance of that than PD candidates getting elected. A seat in Parliament would allow them to push their principles at a whole new level.
It appears unlikely, but if AD’s leaders want to have a stab at changing politics and the country beyond their contribution to national debate, and capitalise on their credibility and good standing, their time surely is now.