Federica Mogherini, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, speaks to Anthony Manduca about her hopes for Malta’s EU presidency, tackling migration, her attempts to find a diplomatic solution in Syria, relations with Russia and the EU’s current difficulties.
You preside over the EU’s Foreign Affairs Council. How difficult is it to align the foreign policy of 28 Member States?
It is not as difficult as one would expect. The mainstream narrative is that Europe is divided, especially on foreign policy, but also on other things. What I can say is that on foreign policy and also on defence, we are much more united that what is normally described. We have 28 different national foreign policies and defence policies, we have 28 different views in terms of priorities, geographical priorities, historical ties and cultural experiences, but then what comes out of Council is a common decision on what to do.
In the two years of my mandate, I never once experienced a division on a decision about what we do together. So on Syria, Russia, Libya, Africa, the external part of migration, we have always found unity, because it is self-evident beyond the narrative that working together in the world is the only way in which we can achieve things as Europeans. At the end of the day, the ministers come together.
What is your impression of Malta’s contribution to the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy?
It’s always a very fruitful contribution. I very much enjoy working with our Maltese friends and colleagues in all formations of the Council, with the Foreign Minister, Defence Minister and with the Prime Minister in the European Council. First of all, Malta always brings a very lucid view on the Mediterranean and our external relations, so it’s always very helpful for my portfolio to work together with Malta.
Libya is obviously one field where Malta’s experience and knowledge is very precious; migration is another one, as well as relations towards the southern shore of the Mediterranean and Africa. But also in terms of methods – Malta is always very much looking towards building bridges, creating consensus, so it’s always a pleasure working together.
What are your hopes for Malta’s upcoming EU presidency?
Malta assumes the presidency at a very important time: there will be several issues happening around the presidency that relate to my portfolio – the potential launch of Brexit negotiations, the establishment of relations with the new US administration, important elections in the Netherlands and France and a presidential election in Iran. I expect the priorities to be first migration and a follow-up to the Valletta summit, and the second Libya, where the work of the European Union is essential. And Malta’s contribution is also essential.
What about promoting investment in the Mediterranean and improving relations with Turkey and Russia?
The big opportunity for the Maltese presidency is to focus the attention of the whole EU on the Mediterranean. This is the first Mediterranean presidency since the Italian one two years ago, and I think the next Mediterranean presidency will be in the next Commission after 2019. The Mediterranean is very much at the centre of our work.
The first political element is this opportunity to open the window of the whole European Union on the need to invest in the Mediterranean. Also the focus on relations with Russia and Turkey is going to be strategic. Malta has a cooperative and consensus-building approach in the region and far beyond, and I think this will be beneficial to the entire Union.
In your Europe Day message last May, you said: “For the first time in our history, our Union faces an existential threat. The existential threat comes from within our own borders. Our Union is at risk when we build walls instead of tearing them down. Our Union is at risk when we behave as part-time Europeans. What we need is leadership, not populism. We need to preserve Europe and we need to reform it. There is time to change our Union, to save our Union.”
Are Europe’s citizens turning their back on the EU? We’ve had Brexit and populist parties across Europe, both in east and west, are on the increase. What can the EU do to reverse this trend?
First of all, let me pay tribute to the copyright of the expression ‘part-time Europeans’. This belongs to Commissioner [Karmenu] Vella: he referred to this a couple of times and I borrowed his expression. I believe the expression gave an exact picture of the tendency or temptation to pick and choose in which sectors we want solidarity and which others we prefer to stay on our own.
Solidarity by definition is something you don’t parcel; it’s a big family and you help each other when the other needs support. Yes, Europe is facing a difficult problem, a difficult phase, but the EU has always grown stronger out of crises. This can be true also now. The issue is having a collective leadership that allows us to overcome current difficulties.
The EU has always grown stronger out of crises
I believe European citizens understand that the challenges today, whether related to the economy or migration, cannot be tackled by one country alone but need to be faced together. We need the collective political leadership of the EU to guide us out of this crisis.
We risk losing our unity and the reasons for staying together. I think the anniversary of the Rome Treaty, under the Maltese presidency, will be the occasion to relaunch these reasons.
You also said in your Europe Day message that a Union of half a billion people was capable of dealing with migration. But this has clearly not been the case. Popular sentiment in Europe is growing against a common migration policy, and most of the eastern EU countries are opposed to the Commission’s quotas proposal. What is the solution?
On the external side of our migration policy, I see a strong unity within our Member States, whether they are from east or south, north or west. The work in Africa or Operation Sophia [EU anti-migrant smuggling operation in the Mediterranean] keeps us together very much.
There is an issue on the internal side. There is an anti-system sentiment, which is understandable after eight years of economic crisis, but anti-system movements usually indicate what they are against without offering a solution.
You can build a wall and the only result you get is first that people go around the wall, second that smugglers will raise their fees and third that you have a problem in your neighbourhood that ends up as your problem.
My answer to this anti-system feeling is a question: “What will work?” Normally there is no answer. We have to be very careful because destroying what we have can take just a minute.
You have often stressed the importance of a strong Transatlantic Partnership. Do you believe this to be at risk in the event of a Donald Trump presidency? Mr Trump welcomed Brexit, he has undermined Nato, he opposes the Iran nuclear accord and the Paris Climate Agreement, and his policies seem to have nothing in common with Europe’s values.
I do not comment on the election of another country. I don’t even comment on elections of our Member States. I would just like to stress, however, that yes, the Transatlantic Partnership is extremely important for us. From our side we will work with any administration that is elected in the US. I would also like to highlight how well the EU and the Obama administration have co-operated over a whole range of issues and this has proven to be of great benefit to us all.
Relations between Europe and Russia are at a low point. There have been a number of violations of European airspace by Russian jets, Russia has been accused of committing war crimes in Syria, the conflict in Ukraine lingers, and Russia has placed nuclear missiles in Kaliningrad capable of reaching Berlin. Are we back to the Cold War, and is Europe divided over how best to deal with President Putin?
No, we are not back to the Cold War. There are areas where we have very different views and difficulties between us and the Russians, which you have highlighted. But there are a number of important areas where the EU and Russia cooperate well, such as counter-terrorism, Operation Sophia, the Iranian nuclear deal, the Arctic, as well as people-to-people contacts. Also, Russia cooperated with the EU at the UN during the Libyan crisis.
There are difficult issues but these have never interrupted our dialogue. I meet Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov quite often. And no, I do not believe Europe is divided over how best to deal with Russia, contrary to the narrative. In these two years we have always taken our decisions unanimously. The unity has always been preserved.
What about divisions that emerged at the last EU summit over additional sanctions on Russia as a result of its behaviour in Syria?
No additional sanctions were formally proposed by any Member State. What we agreed to do was to keep all options open, and there is certainly a consensus over this.
How frustrating is it for you, as the EU foreign policy chief, to watch events unfold in Syria and not be able to do anything to end the conflict?
The EU has concentrated on providing humanitarian aid for Syria, and we are very much committed to continuing along this path. The EU is not involved in the military conflict in Syria, and we are proud of this. We believe the only way forward in Syria is a political solution to the terrible conflict, and the EU is involved in diplomatic initiatives – in support of the UN’s efforts.
I was recently in Riyadh and Tehran; I’m in contact with Qatar and Turkey to try to see if there is some common ground on the post-conflict: reconstruction, reconciliation, the institutional set-up. Reflecting on the endgame can help create confidence among parties.
The pause in the Russian bombing of Aleppo has also created an opportunity for a diplomatic solution. As a journalist once said, I see my role as an icebreaker – in looking for cracks to appear in previously held rigid positions – and exploiting this in the interest of a potential political solution.
Are you hopeful for an eventual settlement in Libya? How involved is the EU in trying to broker an end to the stalemate there?
The EU is very much involved. We fully support the UN’s efforts in Libya and have allocated €100 million in aid for Libya in order to help the Libyans in their everyday life. We support the political track but it’s the Libyans who have to bridge their own divisions, for the sake of their country.
We are looking forward to the Maltese EU presidency, as Malta understands Libya and has a lot of experience in dealing with this country. The fact that Malta is geographically so close to Libya is very important, as it will help bring the EU and Libya closer.