In the aftermath of the abortive coup in Turkey last June, there are ominous signs in this vast country of over 80 million mainly Moslem people that the secularism initiated by the architect of modern Turkey Kemal Ataturk in 1923 is atthe crossroads.

The immediate reaction of millions of people who filled the vast squares of Istanbul, Ankara and other major cities protesting at the attempted coup has opened a Pandora’s Box with political analysts in a frantic attempt to explain the genesis of the present chaotic situation.

It has surely revealed the complexities and Machiavellian policies of this nation State that has attained economic viability and a prestigious reputationin the Nato alliance. President Erdogan is being accused of tilting at windmills; like Cervantes’s Don Quixote fighting imaginary enemies.

I believe this is not the case as I pour out my doubts about the prevailing situation.

The days following the failed coup were characterised by loud speakers in the popular Taksim Square in the centre of Istanbul blaring verses from the Koran

Were those millions on that fateful night shouting Allah u Akbar fearing the loss of their democratic rights or the defeat of Erdogan’s deeply-rooted religious party? Was the spontaneous response of Turkey’s 85,000 mosques a call for a democratic government or for a party thatwas slowly detaching itselffrom secularism?

On the other hand was the coup inspired by the cleric Gulen, exiled in the US and whose Islamist doctrine has millions of followers, or was it staged by the military, traditionally the standard bearer of secularism and the staunch guardian of the democratic constitution firmly based on secularism?

Gulen strongly denies any connection with the uprising and no proof has yet been forwarded for his extradition to Turkey.

A recent report on the present situation by Julian Vassallo, the EU delegation to Turkey’s charge d’affaires monitoring developments closely, seems to indicate a state of normality in Turkey. The thousands of soldiers arrested, the sacking of hundreds of generals, judges and teachers as well as the closure of hundreds of schools and colleges indicate that all is not well there.

The foreign press describe the situation as tense, pointing out that in recent years there have been in certain localities escalating signs of intolerance of secular lifestyles.

The days following the failed coup were characterised by loud speakers in the popular Taksim Square in the centre of Istanbul blaring verses from the Koran, while appeals from some religious groups are stoking the fires of religious intolerance.

This scenario prompted Patrick Cockburn of the UK Independent to state: “The implementation of President Erdogan’s long-dreamed presidential system based on Islamic values is beginning to look inevitable.”

The writing has been on the wall since 2002 when Erdogan’s Justice Party won the first general election but matters escalated when secularism was un-expectedly rekindled in April this year. Parliamentary Speaker Ismail Kahlaman, a very close ally of Erdogan, sparked controversy declaring that Turkey’s new Constitution should delete the mention of secularism and be “a religious constitution” instead.

His statement reignited the tense secularism debate initiated in 2002. Which is the way forward for Turkey? The European Union seems to suggest that the prevailing situation in Turkey, where secularism is visibly threatened, does not pose an obstacle to Turkey’s aspirations to join the EU provided democratic principles are upheld and that Turkey should refrain from introducing capital punishment.

The silence of the super powers on the prevailing political upheaval in Turkey is paradoxically deafening. Is it a case of Qui Tacit Consentire – a clear case of silence gives consent? Faced with this complex scenario, Europe must thread wearily considering that Turkey has been a bulwark against communism, a strong Nato power with a predominant role in the Middle East and Arab states.

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