The rule of law, freedom of expression and democratic practices have been under attack over the past few years in Turkey but the conduct of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Prime Minister Binali Yildirim after last week’s failed coup attempt really shocked the international community, in particular the European Union, Nato and the United States.
Erdogan, the authoritarian and divisive Turkish President, who according to the country’s Constitution should simply be a non-political impartial head of State – and not the head of the government – referred to the failed coup as a “gift from God” and an opportunity to “cleanse” the armed forces.
The President, whose AK Party has Islamist roots, did more than just “cleanse” the armed forces: he carried out a wholescale purge of the army, police, judiciary, civil service and educators. Up until now more than 60,000 people have been arrested, sacked or suspended from their job. Erdogan has also hinted that Turkey might now re-introduce the death penalty – which will put an end to the country’s EU aspirations – as made amply clear by a number of senior EU figures.
More than 6,000 military personal have been arrested (including 99 generals and admirals who have been arraigned in court), 9,000 police officers have been sacked and about 3,000 judges have been suspended. Furthermore, 15,200 teachers have been sacked, 1,577 university deans forced to resign, 8,777 Interior Ministry workers dismissed, 1,500 employees in the Ministry of Finance fired and 257 people working in the Office of the Prime Minister sacked. The licences of 24 radio and TV channels accused of links to the US-based cleric Fethullah Gulen, who the Turkish government accuses of being behind the coup attempt, have been revoked.
Following his purges, Erdogan declared a state of emergency, lasting three months, which allows the President and Cabinet to bypass Parliament in passing new laws and to limit or suspend rights and freedoms. This is extremely worrying and does not augur well for the future.
Turkey is no stranger to military coups and the army has overthrown four governments since 1960. The bloodiest coup took place in 1980 when 50 people were executed, 500,000 arrested and many hundreds tortured (I personally met one such person, a university professor, during a press trip to Turkey in 2005) or died in jail.
Traditionally, the army has been the guardian of Turkey’s secular tradition and has played a leading role in the country’s political set-up. And in the past there had been some support for the coups that took place in the country, even though these always came at a very high price. However, the role of the army in society has been gradually curtailed – ironically with the support of the EU – ever since Erdogan’s AK Party was elected to office in 2002 and today there is little support among Turks for military intervention against elected governments.
The declining support among the Turkish public for coups was one of the reasons why last week’s attempted coup failed – in fact the leaders of all the country’s political parties were quick to condemn the attempt soon after the first military units took to the streets. Swift international condemnation, as well as little support from within the military, also helped ensure that the coup was unsuccessful.
More than 60,000 people have been arrested, sacked or suspended from their job
Furthermore, the coup itself seemed like an amateurish attempt at seizing power. The country’s leaders were not immediately arrested and removed from the public eye and while State broadcasting was taken over, the internet was still functioning – so everyone was aware of what was going on. Erdogan – who ironically has clamped down on the social media – was able to instruct his supporters to take to the streets by using Facetime. Moreover, the coup leaders’ claim that they were acting in order to restore democracy sounded a bit hollow when they started to bomb the Parliament building in Ankara.
The coup attempt claimed 260 lives, as well as 1,500 injured people, as rebel and loyalist soldiers fought each other, and a number of civilians were also killed by soldiers when they took to the streets to protest. A number of conspiracy theories have now emerged about who exactly was behind the coup. One suggestion is that Erdogan himself orchestrated it as a pretence to carrying out his purges and strengthening his position in the country.
We simply don’t know who was responsible for this latest coup attempt but it is very clear that Erdogan has taken advantage of it. And the speed with which the arrests and dismissals took place suggest that the reprisals were prepared well in advance.
Turkey is indeed going through a very difficult period and pressure must be exerted on it by its European and American partners to behave in a manner that respects the rule of law and democratic practices. Unfortunately, Erdogan is a divisive figure who sees enemies everywhere, who calls his opponents traitors and who never tries to reach out to ‘the other side’ in an attempt to reach a consensus. He has clamped down on the media, put journalists in jail, undermined the independence of State institutions, squashed street protests and was willing to provoke Nationalist sentiment against the Kurds for electoral gain. He has also been accused – and I think there is some truth in this – of turning his back on Turkey’s secular tradition and trying to promote an Islamist agenda.
The EU and the US certainly face a difficult situation as Turkey is a key ally for Washington in Syria and for the EU over migration. Turkey is also a key Nato member, with the second largest standing military force in the alliance. However, Turkey’s latest behaviour has without doubt jeopardised its EU aspirations and also – as made clear by US Secretary of State John Kerry – put its Nato membership at risk.
Furthermore, Turkish demands for Mr Gulen to be extradited from the US to Turkey, which the Americans have dismissed (rightly so as there is no evidence to show that the cleric was behind the coup) could further strain relations between Ankara and Washington.
The EU and US must do whatever they can to maintain a close relationship with Turkey but they must remain firm in insisting on democratic behaviour by the Turkish government.
Erdogan must stop his purges and accept the fact that there’s more to democracy than just elections. A truly democratic government respects the rule of law and the independence of State institutions, encourages pluralism, allows press freedom, accepts criticism and treats its political opponents with respect. This is what the international community expects from Turkey, and nothing less.