Tomorrow, May 9, we will celebrate Europe Day – for many years an occasion to celebrate the values of peace and unity that the EU brought to continental Europe. But today almost everywhere in Europe we see growing doubts about the EU’s capacity to act: in many countries, populist parties are getting stronger. They reject European integration.
The gap between high expectations and the harsh reality has undermined public support for the European integration project. In particular, during the refugee crisis, the European Union has failed to meet expectations. But does this justify the calls for less Europe?
The terrorist attacks that struck at the heart of Europe were planned across national borders: national actions alone will not counter them effectively. International terrorism, the conflicts in our immediate vicinity which are the cause of so much instability and human suffering, and the flow of refugees are problems no EU member state can tackle on its own. Yet what could a European solution look like?
Despite the different actions taken by the member states, the refugee crisis has illustrated the need for three things: a fair internal relocation system based on population size, wealth and land area; an agreement with countries of origin that they will immediately accept back their nationals (those not entitled to international protection) that have entered Europe illegally; and a European Border and Coast Guard that – while respecting the sovereign rights of member states – has far-reaching powers. The protection of our external borders, and consequently of the security of the whole Union, can no longer be the sole responsibility of, in some cases overburdened, national authorities.
We should not waste our energy focusing on our divisions but concentrate on making Europe, ‘the community of destiny’, work again
The March 18 agreement between the EU and Turkey shows that only a united European Union, in co-operation with its neighboring countries, stands a chance of finding potentially sustainable solutions. However, further steps are necessary.
We urgently need a reform of the Dublin system which unfairly loads the countries on the EU’s borders with responsibility for those entering the EU illegally, refugees and non-refugees alike. The same rights, duties and rules must apply to all refugees across Europe, but Europe must also stop making itself attractive to those entering Europe illegally not because they are refugees but simply because they wish to have a better future. The further development of the European Asylum System is therefore the only viable solution.
One thing remains clear: in a globalised world, in which Europe is and intends to remain an important actor, we will have to deal with the question of migration for a long time to come, irrespective of the conflict in Syria. We also have to be active in finding solutions for failed states while assisting in the economic development of those countries that are falling behind.
The numerous crises in our immediate neighbourhood highlight the need for a coherent EU foreign policy. Europe should also be able to guarantee its own security – both internally and externally. Therefore, the EU has to also step up its support of democratisation processes in its eastern and southern neighbourhood.
In the long term, we should aim for a common economic area with our neighbours. The common threats we face also call for an ambitious European security strategy with a vision for Europe’s role in the world. We need to strengthen the co-operation of our national military forces and increase the opportunity for joint military training exercises. In the fight against terrorism, a better exchange of information between our intelligence services is indispensable, as well as closer cooperation between both police and judicial authorities.
European citizens justifiably expect the Union to act faster and more flexibly in order to fulfill these goals. To this end, we first need to speed up the decision making process in the EU by expanding majority decisions, particularly in the area of foreign and security policy. This is the only way that the Union as a whole can act efficiently without always resorting to a ‘coalition of the willing’.
Secondly, the EU should be able to expand its own resources, so as to be more flexible in the prevention and management of future crises. In the long term, the European Union should not limit itself to mere crises responses. Rather, it should claim its position in shaping global developments and demonstrate leadership in its immediate neighbourhood.
The basis for this is a unified EU: the division into east and west, north and south, which we are currently witnessing, presents a danger to us all. It is therefore of utmost importance that the United Kingdom remains a part of the European Union.
And we should never forget that it is our common European Union values that connect us: human dignity, freedom, democracy, peace and the rule of law. We should not waste our energy focusing on our divisions but concentrate on making Europe, ‘the community of destiny’, work again. We have no doubt that Europe can succeed in this.
Lawrence Gonzi is a former Prime Minister of Malta. Hans-Gert Pöttering is chairman of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and former president of the European Parliament.