Figures sticking out of reliable and credible surveys which purport to gauge public sentiment always tell you something. I was always, however, of the opinion that to be more spot on, you need to listen from those involved viva voce.

A little more then three years ago, I started my very first home visits as part of my electoral campaign, me being the very last candidate to be announced on the ninth district. I remember one visit where I was met by a courteous but resolute couple who politely told me that they didn’t want me to ‘waste’ my time and their own as they had definitely decided that ‘this time’ they would vote Labour and nothing and no one will make them change their mind.

However, I was interested to know why they had deserted the Nationalist Party after learning that they had voted Nationalists in the two preceeding elections. I remember it was quite sad to hear their testimony and went out of that house with two fixed ideas: the PN will definitely lose that election; and most of the people were actually being taken in by Muscat’s grand promises.

A few weeks ago, a common friend informed me that this family wanted to see me again. I was only too happy to meet them and they had one clear message to relay to me. They will never, never vote for Muscat again after what happened to one of their sons. They claimed that he was unjustly overtaken for an important promotion by a Tagħna Lkoll chap with much less credentials and with practically no experience at all.

This time I went out of that house with one certainty – next time, whenever that may be, they will not be voting Labour. It is now up to the PN to try to convince this couple that it is a credible alternative and that the disastrous result of the 2013 election taught it a lesson or two.

One other experience. I met a young lady who is university professionally-prepared and qualified to act in managerial positions. Lately, she was informed by her bosses that she will soon be made redundant due to unforseen circumstances. She immediately started to apply for positions advertised in the media. When enquiring about her remuneration, she was invariably informed that it will be considerably less than what she is presently receiving.

She told me: “And then I read in the Times of Malta so many reports about the hundreds of ‘persons of trust’ who don’t need any call for application, certificates and years of intensive training and hard work, but only to be an acquaintance of a ‘friend’ or ‘friend of friends’. Furthermore, they are being richly paid and with a plethora of fringe benefits. Is this just?” she asked.

The real Labour plan of how to govern was diametrically opposite to the one spectacularly promoted and lavishly pronounced during its millionaire electoral campaign

In my conversation with her, she told me also that at the time of the last election she was studying abroad and was unable to vote, but most probably she would have gone along with that very big majority who voted Muscat into office.

When you hear such cases it is only logical that you are led to fastly rewind to the general atmosphere of three years ago, when the electoral campaign was raging and with the Labour Party taking the initiative (and the upper hand as well)by investing all its armoury around that now historical catchphrase of Malta Tagħna Lkoll.

You might recall that Muscat opened Labour’s campaign one minute after midnight of January 7, 2013, the very first day of that campaign. Perhaps you wouldn’t remember the opening salvoof the speech he delivered duringthat messinscena:

“Malta belongs to us all. This is the rallying call which will be uniting us, bringing the Maltese and the Gozitans together, all those who are willing to change the direction of this nation next March 9. We have nearly 60 days during which we need to convince everyone that what the Maltese and the Gozitans really feel in their heart of hearts, irrespectively of their political leanings, is that after nearly 25 years of being led by the same administration, time has now arrived to change direction. The message is simple: you might disagree with us but you can work with us.”

I won’t bother you with many other quotations from Muscat during that campaign, but it is pertinent and relevant to recall what he said in his last speech at a mass meeting in Ħal Far on March 7, 2013:

“Maltese society is calling and insisting that partisanship is definitely ditched and that it wants to be led by a movement which will demolish the barriers of old politics. It is useless to speak and yearn for change if you won’t vote for this historical change. Not only to replace a government but to change the system of governance. This opportunity is open to us not in a month’s or year’s time, and not in five years time... the moment is next Saturday.”

In between these two quotations, Labour issued its electoral manifesto, wholly hinged on this pious spin. It was repeated, used and abused so much that it was very evident that Labour’s intention was to brainwash the electorate and they succeeded in a big way.

What was hidden then, but utterly clear now, is that the real Labour plan of how to govern was diametrically opposite to the one spectacularly promoted and lavishly pronounced during its millionaire electoral campaign. The real plan was shamelessly unveiled only a few hours after Labour’s victory, when Muscat substituted a competent person of integrity as head of the civil service, with a fanatic Labour supporter who, among other things, edited and published various partisan publications just before the election.

While a few hours before taking over the reins of government, Muscat was meticulously declaring that everyone was free to disagree with his party and that this would not impede them from working with Labour, the new government soon replaced hundreds of people who were contributing honestly to the well being of the nation. The purge was absolute. Whole areas of the administration were shaken from their foundations when competent apolitical incumbents were substituted with party cronies even in areas such as culture, sports, mental health, housing, the elderly and so many others.

It was so widespread that it soon began to be seen for what it really was. Muscat brandished Plan A during the electoral campaign but what he started to implement when in government was Plan B – the one they had so minutely concocted and which, after three years, most probably is not yet exhausted.

Evidently, it was a premeditated ploy. A cunning plan manipulated beforehand, behind those four walls of Labour’s National Centre and, most probably, in the notorious fourth floor of that building, where so many decisive deals were struck.

But remember also that all thistook place while Labour was glorifying those three virtues which they promised will lguide their new way of doing politics: accountability, transparency and meritocracy.

There are various indications that a considerable shift is taking place just now in the grassroots of Maltese society. I am pretty much convinced that the PN is contributing positively towards this transformation. The three documents issued in the space of only a few months – the pre-Budget document, the economic working document and the other document regarding good governance – attest in a tangible way to Simon Busuttil’s honest efforts to revitalise the PN and, more importantly, to be once more the catalyst of real change as opposed to the fakery we have witnessed during these last three years of Labour administration.

Busuttil is taking nothing for granted. He is working untiringly as he didwhen under his stewardship as head of Malta’s EU Information Office some years ago, the electorate was assisted to grasp the effects of that historical development and to decide their future with an enlightened mind.

Muscat’s official electoral programme morphed into a sordid experience for Malta. Busuttil is planning the future openly with all those honestly interested in good governance. Together we will overcome this period of turbulence.

Kristy Debono is an economist and Opposition spokesperson for financial services, gaming and IT.

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