The publication of proposals on good governance by the Nationalist Party is the culmination of a number of factors, not least voters’ disillusion with the political class. Party leader Simon Busuttil has drawn on the lessons learnt by his party in government and especially on the performance of the current administration to propose a new way of governance with an emphasis on transparency and accountability.

The document is a tall order. The proposed changes are extensive, practically an electoral programme unto themselves, except that this is not a programme but the creation of the right government structures to implement party policies.

Dr Busuttil says his aim is to “restore trust in politics”, but the ambitious changes he proposes also involve a cultural change, even among politicians within his own ranks. It is a new way of governance, particularly where public institutions are concerned.

One of the most radical changes being proposed concerns public appointments, through the application of a two-thirds majority in Parliament for appointments to senior posts like civil service head, police commissioner, Central Bank governor and members of constitutional bodies.

This move would enable the holders of these posts to exercise, and be seen to exercise, their functions in more freedom and autonomy, knowing they owe their position to Parliament and not to a minister. Talented people who may have shied away from accepting public positions may be more willing to come forward to serve on public authorities knowing that they will not be seen as political appointees.

The PN’s plan to adopt the proposals of the Bonello Commission to ensure an independent selection process for the judiciary is also a very welcome, if belated, move.

Clearly in reaction to the long series of scandals and controversies that have marked the current administration, the good governance document delves into the ethical behaviour of MPs such as on issues concerning appointments to positions of trust and the acceptance of gifts.

Transparency is the third pillar upon which the document is built. Drawing a contrast with the present Labour administration, the PN is promising to publish all government contracts, improve the Freedom of Information Act and publish more detailed ministerial declarations of assets. MPs are also not to be appointed to public boards on ‘positions of trust’ within the government, something that has become common practice under this administration.

None of the proposed measures appear controversial, but logical and built on the country’s experience of governance. If implemented they should lead to a significant improvement in government transparency, accountability and, equally important, stronger and more affirmative constitutional bodies to protect citizens.

The Prime Minister said some of the PN proposals involve constitutional changes and he invited the Opposition to begin talks right away through the constitutional convention.

The invitation comes across as somewhat cynical, as he is fully aware of the Opposition’s reservations on the chair of that convention. Constitutional change requires consensus. Disagreement over the very chairmanship does not bode well for prospects.

Written from the comfort of being in opposition, the PN document makes uncomfortable reading for the government side as it addresses the shortcomings particularly in transparency.

From a position of power, it would take much political maturity for the governing party to sit around a table and admit it must change its ways.

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