Whether you like him, hate him, agree or disagree with most of his policies, you have to acknowledge that the facts show that Joseph Muscat is Malta’s ablest politician. He also has the potential to become one of the country’s great prime ministers. A perceptive political analyst, however, will also note that the Labour leader is now entering the most challenging phase of his political career.
Let us start by analysing the present political situation in Malta. The government is delivering on its electoral promises and the way it operates can only be described as highly efficient. The Nationalist Opposition is in a rather weak position because it is too negative in its approach and carries the baggage of the now discredited Gonzi administration. Notwithstanding all this, one cannot completely write off the chances of the Nationalists at the next general election.
The best chance for the PN lies in winning the support of that section of the Labour-voting population which for various reasons has been alienated by the present government’s actions. If it manages to attract to it a sizeable proportion of disgruntled former Labour voters to add to those Nationalist supporters who have remained loyal to it despite all the recent setbacks, then it could be in a position to give Muscat a good run for his money when the election arrives.
Leftist intellectuals who gave Labour their confidence at the last election feel betrayed by Muscat’s ‘third way’ politics
Readers will by now be asking: “If the government is so efficient and is delivering, who then are the disgruntled PL voters?”
Let us start with those who still think that we are living in the period 1971-87. Some people simply cannot understand that this is 2015 and that the concept of a Labour government for Labour voters only is an absolutely obsolete one by now.
While it is true that key public positions have all been filled by mostly pro-Labour people as should be the case in such important posts if the government is to function efficiently, it is likewise as true that most other posts have been filled on the basis of meritocracy.
The majority of Labour voters agree with this policy as they are intelligent enough to perceive that a country cannot be run on an ‘us’ and ‘them’ basis.
Still, there remains a small minority which has never accepted the principle of meritocracy, being entrenched in the ideas of the past when a Labour government was first and foremost for the Labourites and a Nationalist government was first and foremost for the Nationalists.
Muscat faces the challenge of convincing these people that his policy of meritocracy is the right one. He faces a far from easy task as several of these disgruntled PL voters have already vowed that they will never vote Labour again as long as things remain as they are. I believe that Muscat will eventually succeed in rallying to him the members of this discontented group in time for the general election.
A much more difficult and daunting challenge is that of the Leftist intellectuals who gave Labour their confidence at the last election and who feel betrayed by Muscat’s ‘third way’ politics. I am referring to the Socialists/Social Democrats who feel that the Labour Party as we knew it has today ceased to exist.
I have often had discussions with these intellectuals and they stress the point that even the term “Labour Movement” is a misnomer since most Labour ideology has gone down the drain, being sacrificed on the altar of what leads to electoral victory irrespective of political ideology.
Muscat’s political ideas are all based on the concept that you have to be in power to be able to carry out progressive reforms. However, to attain power your party must have broad appeal, otherwise you will become unelectable.
The disgruntled Leftist intellectuals retort by stating that they are more interested in issues rather than power itself. If attaining power and holding on to it means selling your political soul, then they would rather stay in opposition and remain faithful to their political ideology.
These Leftist intellectuals criticise Muscat as leading a political party which has no clear-cut ideology, a party obsessed with political strategy and form, a party built to win elections at any cost.
They accuse the people at the top of disregarding core social democratic values. Indeed, the Muscat government has been described as a third-way pragmatic government trying to reconcile social justice with neo-liberalism. Some say it is Blairism epitomised.
Muscat has publicly answered such critics. He is on record as saying that he does not believe in Left or Right. That he is economically on the Right and socially on the Left. In other words, he is pro-business and sees the private sector as the prime motor behind economic progress while also believing in social justice.
He describes himself as being third-wayist and progressive.
His politics is based on compromise, seeking solutions to problems which are acceptable to the majority. His Labour Movement seeks to attract voters from across the political spectrum. His social policies are based on equality of opportunity rather than equality of outcome.
Much of this is, of course, anathema to several Leftist intellectuals, especially Labour’s close ties to the developers’ lobby and certain environmental policies and decisions. Will Dr Muscat win over a substantial number of these Leftist intellectuals before the next election? It remains to be seen.
At the end of the day, most voters give their confidence to the political party whose policies make most sense and do not vote on purely ideological issues. If Muscat succeeds in setting the national policy agenda through a sustained and creative use of the media and if he manages to continue discrediting the Nationalists through his powerful and persuasive oratory, electoral victory will probably be his once again.
Still, it cannot be taken for granted.
Desmond Zammit Marmarà is a Balzan Labour councillor.