The Muscat Administration has the luxury of a government changeover with a majority greater than one seat. The great changeovers of 1971,1987 and 1996, in which the incumbent governments had been in power for at least nine years, and, in the case of 1987, of 15 years, all saw the new governments having a one-seat majority, which put restraints in replacing the pre-existing power apparatus.

The Nationalist voters ended up conscious that the past legislature was too dominated by the politics of personalities

Yet, the nine-seat majority of this election’s changeover might be a curse as much as an added bonus if it puts the incoming Administration in the mentality of accelerating the process of takeover faster than the institutions would naturally and prudently allow.

However, there can be no doubt that this Administration can start its job with the serenity and assurance of its substantial majority. This can only mean that the political focus will steadily transfer itself to the leadership race within the Nationalist Party.

A first objective result has been given by the Nationalist voting electorate, which, of course, is not only made up of diehard Nationalists and provide the first true indicators of where the party is to go in the coming five years.

A first indication given by the 130,000 voters is of general appreciation to outgoing members who formed the Cabinet. All have been confirmed by an easy margin of votes. It only goes to confirm that, in general, the best asset which the party had to offer to the electorate was the Government’s performance and, in particular, that of maintaining the country in the straight and narrow path of economic growth.

Many may today lament that, during the electoral campaign, the Government’s economic, financial and tourism success seemed the only positive note the party could offer among a wave of nostalgia for the successes of the Fenech Adami administrations and the scaremongering of the past Mintoffian and Santian socialist administrations.

Another important indication given by the Nationalist voting electorate was that of sticking to the candidates who they already knew and tested in the light of the turbulence experienced within the last PN parliamentary group. In fact, the number of new MPs was reduced to a minimum when compared to the changes the electorate had effected at the 2008 election.

This consideration hits also the last-minute injection of the Nationalist Euro MPs. Although one performed excellently, the other ended up not elected and the attempt of portraying the Euro MPs as the guarantors of a more approachable PN government did not stop the haemorrhage of votes going directly in the hands of Labour.

To my mind, the Nationalist voters ended up conscious that the past legislature was too dominated by the politics of personalities, which, in turn, completely overshadowed the politics of identity.

The PN was most successful when it incorporated the politics of identity or, more appropriately, that of national identity as was the case of Malta’s identity of an independent State under George Borg Olivier or the vindication of our democratic identity in favour of majority rule and, subsequently, the securing of our European identity under Eddie Fenech Adami’s leadership.

Regrettably, there was little politics of identity portrayed by the party over the past five years. On the contrary, the party was all taken up by the politics of personalities, even if these were relatively obscure politicians as was the case of the bickering within the Sliema local council and which was allowed to assume national dimension by the party, causing months of negative personality politics monopolising the party’s agenda.

The PN is still a very vibrant and vital party and it is in the national interest that there be a strong, constructive Opposition. It needs to think outside the box to start its comeback.

However, the party needs first to read correctly the vote of its electorate and from the MPs winning its confidence build a leadership that will first unite the parliamentary group under a political vision and identity that is run by those personalities best suited to serve it.

Make no mistake about it however, much of Joseph Muscat’s personality was central to Labour’s victory, suffice it to mention the record personal first preferences. However, the large extent of the electoral victory is of a political nature expressing a politics of identity.