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Malta’s new ‘coalition’ government

Finally, answers are starting to come out from our political system. The opposition does not have the numbers in the House of Representatives to force an election in that only 34 members out of the 69 MPs who successfully contested the last election voted in favour of the motion of no-confidence in the Gonzi government.

The motion would have only been carried had Nationalist MP Franco Debono voted with the opposition and supported the motion. Dr Debono’s abstention, to boot, triggered, for good measure, the Speaker’s casting vote in favour of the continuation of the present government.

The government, therefore, is without doubt constitutionally allowed to continue in office for the rest of its five-year term and the Prime Minister is the only person the Constitution empowers to call for an election and which, since he has not been defeated by a vote of no confidence, the President would be bound to follow.

The economic, political, financial and institutional stability of the country demands that the season of motions of no confidence now comes to an end. Labour were more than justified in presenting the motion of no confidence in view of the unfavourable declarations made by Dr Debono in regard to the Prime Minister.

In fact, arguably, Labour were institutionally bound to test the stability of the government because, according to the Constitution, the Prime Minister “is the person who has the confidence of the House of Representatives”. And a vote of no confidence is precisely intended to prove conclusively the lack of confidence of the House in the Prime Minister. This has manifestly not taken place.

Labour, however, must now resist the temptation to delegitimate the government any further. The Constitution does not impose that a government be supported by a majority from one party. It requires that as Prime Minister there be a person who is a member of Parliament and who is supported by the majority of its members.

By virtue of yesterday’s vote, Malta has evolved in a unique “coalition” mode of government in that there are 34 MPs who have very clearly stated and voted strictly in line with the government’s Whip. These are supported by one other member who is declaredly outside the influence of the Nationalist Party’s Whip but who is prepared to keep the government in office from the “outside”.

This is very similar to the situation obtaining in the United Kingdom where the government is sustained by a coalition of two parties that have very little in common other than the need to provide stability to the country. There is often open dissent and criticism voiced in public between the two parties but when it comes to sustaining the continuation of the government against efforts by the opposition to bring it down they join up again.

We all remember when, recently, the Europhile leader of the Lib-Dems publicly distanced himself from the Conservative Prime Minister’s position that had isolated Britain by blocking the measures which all the other EU members wished to take to sustain the euro.

The government, therefore, has a majority in the House and is in its full powers. Yet, the ensuring of stability leaves the country open to a number of vital questions for the future. Will there be more goodwill on the part of Dr Debono to act as a “coalition” partner with the government, which he has consistently refused to drop from power?

The country may not have wished an election to be so rudely sprung upon it. Equally, however, the constituted bodies and the economy as a whole were far from comfortable with Dr Debono’s open defiance of the Nationalist government’s Whip and the un­certainty it generated within the political system.

Yesterday’s vote may mean that we should not panic every time the PN and Dr Debono quarrel openly in public, on condition, that is, that the government’s programme, approved by the majority of the electorate, continues to be carried out by the government and that the Budget which has already been approved by Parliament be allowed to be implemented without any further hiccups.

If ever there was need to prove that “politics is the art of the possible” then the constitutional and political events of the past months have more than amply done so.

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Bernard J Schranz

Jan 27th, 15:42

Let's see it from a different angle Victor, and I have tried to see it from JM's side for a long time but I am failing to see the light....

for the PL to force and election or even considering having a right to state that it has the power to do so, it would have needed to win yesterday's vote, i.e. garner 35 votes out of the 69 available. That it has failed to do so is clear and undisputed (except by JM and the entire PL themselves). This means that they have no legitimate right to call for an early election, more so to state that the government does not have a majority. It is constitutionally correct and applicable for the speaker to cast his vote when there is a tie and this is what happened yesterday, resulting in a situation where despite the outcome of the vote taken, the result is made clear that the party in government has a right to continue to govern.

Hard as I have tried to see it different, unfortunately I have failed.

I think that JM would do himself and the country alot of benefit if he admits that he has no right to clamour for an election and recognise the fact that the PN does. It is as clear as crystal to everyone but the PL, unfortunately.

Willie Grech

Jan 27th, 16:42

@Bernard J Schranz

It is very obvious that when trying to view the point made by both JM and the PL you have a very thick blindfold. Who is trying to 'force' an election? The PL is merely stating what in reality is very obvious. Yesterday's vote left the parliament equally divided. We no longer have a 35-34 majority in parliament but 34-34 and 1 going anywhere. If for you this is good, it doesn't mean it is healthy.

It seems that the only persons that are not seeing this crystal fact are the blue eyed boys that stand to benefit from a PN government or are still waiting for their turn to benefit.

Otherwise, YES, THE ONLY WAY FORWARD AFTER YESTERDAY'S VOTE IS AN ELECTION TO ELECT A NEW GOVERNMENT WITH A SOUND MAJORITY!!!!!

Willie Grech

Jan 27th, 14:04

Ghaggla mill-PL? donnok trid tghid li kien il-PL li gab din l-instabilita? Mela diga nsejt li kien membru tal-partit fil-gvern li kien ilu sa mill-2009 jitkellem fuq tmexxija hazina u fl-ahhar qal, "Issa daqshekk?" Anzi nemmen li l-PL kien kawt hafna fuq dak li ghamel. Tinsiex li l-PL, meta ra li Franco Debono ma kellux aktar fiducja fit-tmexxija ta' Lawrence Gonzi, tkellem. Joseph Muscat talab lill-PM jiehu l-azzjonijiet xierqa biex jizgura li din l-instabilita titnehha. Kien biss meta l-PM baqa ma ghamel xejn, li iccaqlaq il-PL.

Issa ghandna parlament fejn ghandek 34 MP fuq kull naha u wiehed fin-nofs, ma tafx fejn ser ixaqleb. Jekk int, ghax forsi hu l-partit tieghek fil-gvern, komdu, mhux bil-fors il-kumplament tal-pajjiz hu bhalek.

Joe Calleja

Jan 27th, 12:06

"... although we have the legal fiction that he is a member of the House"
The Constitution a LEGAL FICTION ??? Now we heard it all !!
B ut allow me to, once more en lighten you, Mr. Camilleri, and others who mlght 'reason' like you, as to what the Constitution says:

Article 52
(2) If any person who is not a member of the House of Representatives is elected to be Speaker of the House he shall, by virtue of holding the office of Speaker, BE A MEMBER of the House IN ADDITION to the other members:

Article 71.
(1) Save as otherwise provided in this Constitution, all questions proposed for decision in the House of Representatives shall be determined by a majority of the votes of the members thereof present and voting.
(2) The Speaker shall not vote unless on any question the votes are equally divided, in which case he shall have and exercise a casting vote.
(3) Any other person shall, when presiding in the House of Representatives, retain his original vote as a member and, if upon any question, the votes are equally divided, shall also have and exercise a casting vote.

Now, Article 76 runs like this:
Article 76 (a) if the House of Representatives passes a resolution, supported by the votes of a majority of ALL the members thereof, that it has no confidence in the Government, and the Prime Minister does not within three days either resign from his office or advise a dissolution, the President may dissolve Parliament;

SO: presently there are actually 69 members of Parliament INCLUDING the Speaker.
Therefore any Non-Confidence motion requires 35 votes in favour to pass. Now that Dr. Debono chose to abstain (and NOT vote in favour of the Opposition's motion), the result was a tie 34-34.
The Speaker, then, as was his Constitutional right, and as a MEMBER of the House (Article 52a) also voted AGAINST the motion. This is simple mathematics: 35 AGAINST and only 34 in favour.

Motion not carried, and so PM Gonzi STILL enjoys the majority of seats in Parliament.
And, finally: until new elections are held, PN STILL has the majority of Maltese electors behind it. This is a FACT and not playing with legalities. It was the MLP which governed for FIVE AND A HALF YEARS against the expressed wish of the overwhelming majority of the voters. THAT surely has gone down in history!

Mr Andrew Camilleri

Jan 27th, 16:20

Mr. Calleja: I did not say that the Constitution is a legal fiction; I said that the Speaker being a member of the House is a legal fiction. By this I mean that is you look at the qualifications to become a member of the House, the Speaker has none of them. Therefore in order to make him a member of the House, the law has to resort to the fiction that deems him a member of the House, eve though he does not have these qualifications. In fact, as you yourself quote, he only has a casting vote.

As for the figures, as far as I know there are 69 elected members - and the Constitution itself says that there has to be an odd number of members. But this does not iinclude the Speaker. To include the Speaker, you would have to say that there are 70 members. Therefore, agreed that Dr. Gonzi needs 35 votes to support him in Parliament.

In any case, my point is that Dr. Gonzi cannot rely anymore on all the elected members of the House but has now to rely on either the casting vote of the Speaker (for that is all it is - a casting vote) or on the whims of Dr. Debono. If I were PM, I would find this humiliating. Also, is it democracy that the PM continues to depend on the vote of a non-elected member? As Dr. Gonzi himself has accued Dr. Muscat, he (Dr Gonzi) is now riding on the back of someone else's vote, in this case the casting vote of the Speaker or the rebel MP.

Finally, how can you say that Dr. Gonzi has the majority of Maltese electors behind him when Dr. Debono who represents at least more than 1500 votes in Parliament, has withdrawn his support? The only way to establish whether in fact Dr. Gonzi does have this support is by going for an election.

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