PM’s Libya high checked

There can be no doubt that the government is milking the Libyan-spring affair so hard that the metaphorical cow’s teats must be hurting. It even felt it necessary to ensure that a lightning prime-ministerial delegation visit to our in-the-news neighbour was accompanied by a number of journalists.

The endless crowing and self-praise reflects the way the political game is played- Lino Spiteri

The practice has become embedded in official visits, setting a bad example to anybody who believes that unnecessary costs should be avoided. Maximum public relations projection is an inherent part of the political game.

Nevertheless, there can be no doubt, either, that the Prime Minister has handled the events surrounding and flowing from the Libyan uprising particularly well.

That did not take place – or could do so – in any form of material help to the several hundred Maltese who had to give up their job in Libya, or to Maltese commercial entities who had to suspend, or face a drastic running down, of their activities there.

The form of the success lies elsewhere. It started with the Prime Minister’s early bold statement, when public opposition to Gaddafi and his detested regime began to emerge, amidst brutal attempts at suppressing it. The Prime Minister, out of the reality-demand on him and all his predecessors during Gaddafi’s sway, had established a very close relationship with the Libyan dictator.

That did not prevent him from declaring that it was time for the dictator to go. The Lawrence Gonzi did so at a time when Gaddafi and his henchmen were still very much in command of the arsenal of deadly weapons, including military planes and rockets easily bought from countries whose leaders later came out against Gaddafi, but had felt no compunction in working to ensure their commercial companies benefited handsomely from his mad squandering of Libyan oil revenues to sustain grandiose military ambitions, among other things deadly towards his own people.

The Prime Minister also gave immediate refuge to the Libyan pilots who risked their neck to defect and fly their war jets to Malta, rather than follow the murderous orders of the regime to fire on their own brethren.

At the local political level, Gonzi also acted properly, briefing the Leader of the Opposition on the unfolding events. Unfortunately, that rare cooperation did not last for long. Nationalist elements, with the Prime Minister’s evident blessing and participation, swiftly indulged in massive spin to attempt to link the Labour side with Gaddafi and what he stood for. That was one of the most childish, disgusting and wasteful episodes within the affair. But it should not erase the positives within the broader picture.

These went on to include the government’s help and support, proportionately very high relative to Malta’s size, first to thousands of expatriate workers fleeing from the bloody turmoil in Libya during the uprising, later to Libyans wounded while fighting against the regime, or trying to flee from its cruel targeting even of unarmed men, women and children.

The Prime Minister is now leading the government’s efforts to benefit from the multi-faceted support given to the Libyan freedom fighters. The domestic part of it, the endless crowing and self-praise, reflects the way the political game is played.

More important than that are the attempts to build bridges with the new Libya, with two parallel main objectives in mind. One is to help Maltese commercial enterprises and workers to benefit from the economic opportunities which will certainly unfold as Libya seeks to build a new economy where oil exploitation, though it will remain at its core for a long time, will not remain the overwhelming economic activity.

That will, eventually, make Libya another major tourism competitor. But Malta must anticipate that, by continuing to differentiate its tourist product, as it has been doing in the case of Tunisia and Egypt, to name two major examples.

Meanwhile, Maltese interests can be among those to benefit from the development and longer-term openings in Libya.

It is not the government that can generate such benefits. Maltese commercial interests have to develop them directly. They have to build relationships, starting now, with new and re-emerging Libyan counterparts. They will hope that a cleaner basis for economic cooperation will be possible, free from the tight constraints and, frequently, corruption that prevailed under the Gaddafi regime.

The government’s other main objective is firmly political, with economic overtones. It is to persuade the new Libyan political class to collaborate with Malta to remove the obstinate obstacles Gaddafi placed in our way to block us from prospecting for oil.

It is already becoming very apparent that it will not happen very soon. Libya’s political transition will be a long process. The dynamics of the country, with its feuding regions and factions, remain very difficult.

Those at the political helm are probably there only temporarily. New leaders will come into place, both with early manoeuvring, and also through eventual democratic elections.

That is not to say the Prime Minister is mistaken to build bridges with the current transitory political and technocratic leaders, and to try to exploit the goodwill he has gained for Malta. But the political effort has to be more far-reaching, seeking to identify the likely candidates from whom Libya’s longer-term leaders will come.

Not at all an easy task, yet one that must be very high on the government – and opposition – agenda. Meanwhile, further goodwill could be built up if Malta raises a loud voice to call for proper unfreezing of Libyan assets.

Without them in hand without delay the transitory Libyan leaders will find it very difficult to lubricate the essential task of persuading thousands of Libyans who took part in the anti-regime uprising to hand over their weapons so that Libya can become a safe place.

That difficulty would inevitably translate into continued obstruction to the achievement of Malta’s hopes and aims regarding the new Libya.