No one denies that most European countries are civic nations that celebrate the value of cultural diversity and allow citizens to live together in harmony. It is equally true that the persistent increase of migrants in many European nations, be they legal or not, is increasingly rocking the fundamental architecture that binds Jean Monnet’s ambitious European project of the peaceful integration of nations and cultures. This pressure has soured the social and political climate especially for immigrants and rather than reducing tension, national governments are increasingly considering the tightening of security and even the abrupt closure of borders.
The unexpected speed at which the North African uprisings have unfolded has once more stoked the restless flames of xenophobia and nationalism on a large scale. The more than 23,000, and counting, Tunisians that have flooded Lampedusa since January have ramped up the immigration debate across Europe, raising the tempers of many a vitriolic nationalist. For many years much of this talk was considered at the fringes of the political mainstream and mostly attached to far-right extremist views.
The list of the latter comes in many shapes and flavours. Popular right-wing parties such as Austria’s Austrian Freedom Party, France’s Front National, Netherland’s Pim Fortuyn List, the UK’s British National Party and the recently successful True Finns (Malta too has its distinct brand in Imperium Europa) have candidly expressed their total dislike for migrants and their perceived “evils” for European identity and culture. For them immigration equates to unemployment, overcrowding, increased levels of crime, non-integration and added pressures on already creaking welfare states. This has raised the levels of antagonism and many have come to equate social and political identity and economic insecurity with the ever-increasing number of migrants in their communities.
Undoubtedly mass immigration to European countries both from internal Schengen borders and beyond has exponentially increased over the past decade. It all started after World War II mainly from British and European colonies to satisfy the need for labour in booming economies.
The need for foreign workers was at the time accommodated mostly by emigrating southern European workers and then Turkish and North African nationals. It was estimated that during the 1950s as many as 10,000 immigrants formed part of this wave of “guest” workers. Since then these numbers have burgeoned. For example by the 1970s the UK was hosting more than a million migrants.
United Nations statistics estimate that as many as 70 million of the present 200 million migrants are living in Europe. According to Eurostat, in just one year (2005) the EU absorbed no less than 1.8 million new migrants. This accounts for almost 85 per cent of Europe’s total population growth in 2005. Italy now has an estimated five to six million immigrants. In 10 years Spain has absorbed over three million migrants and the UK has over seven million migrants who were mostly born outside the EU. Clearly these are significant and telling numbers!
In an extremely politically complex and difficult economic environment the issue of immigration is entering a very delicate phase. The president of the European Commission Manuel Barroso has unreservedly expressed his commitment to tone down many mainstream politicians’ utterings that may, he believes, lead to “populist” and “extremist forces” exploiting the already strained situation.
The Italians, through prominent politicians like Roberto Maroni and Roberto Castelli, have been exceptionally blunt in their remarks. MEP Francesco Speroni has even floated the idea that weapons are clearly necessary in stemming this “invasion”. Only a few days ago British Prime Minister David Cameron unconditionally questioned the rate and quality of migrants arriving in the UK. His speech sent shock waves through what we normally perceive as a stable British multicultural society.
The ongoing diplomatic spat between Italy, France and Germany is one further example and Malta’s excellent relations with Italy have also come under fire in recent weeks. The situation is becoming increasingly tense with very little progress achieved so far in terms of immigrant absorption by member states. All this, coupled with the economic fallout of the Greek, Irish and Portuguese bailouts, continues to dent the perception of European cohesion and collaboration. Evidently this is a very difficult moment for the European Union’s continued success.
This week’s sudden EU announcement regarding the special conference to flesh out concrete proposals for effective burden sharing is a significant step forward. It is the culmination of years of patient diplomatic efforts on the part of our government.
This conference, a first of its kind, is a clear signal that a massive shift in attitudes may be on the cards. It would be foolhardy to believe this conference will resolve our immigration issues. Any effective gestures from the major member states will at least mitigate some of Malta’s pressure and will go a long way in silencing some of the cynics’ rhetoric and open-ended statements.
Indeed these are very testing times for all of us, especially for those countries that sit on the borders of the Union. More squabbling and foot dragging are corrosive at the least. Immigration is a collective issue and simply invoking nationalism will stimulate discord and barely resolve pressing challenges that are staring us in the face.
Whether we like it or not and for a myriad of reasons, it will be probably impossible to completely arrest the phenomenon of migration. Rather it would serve us better if our political leaders demonstrate more maturity in seeking lasting and sustainable solutions to this predicament.
Hopefully next week’s EU meeting should provide specific and sensible decisions that should go a long way in quelling some of Malta’s real and present preoccupations.
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