Immigration reveals Malta’s vulnerability

Things seem to back to normal between Malta and Italy, after a series of incidents that suggested a growing dislike to­wards us in some of quarters of our neighbour. That is as it should be. The two countries are not exactly lovers. But they have been as close as close can be.

Italy was instrumental in Malta securing a good deal with the United Kingdom after Dom Mintoff, elected to govern in 1971, embarked on his determined way to bring better transfers of resources to Malta while the military base was wound down. After that took place in 1979 Italy became Malta’s largest donor over the years.

An Italian ambassador told me some years ago that, given the resources transfer made by his country to Malta, there was little to show for it in terms of a special relationship. That did not prevent Italy from backing Malta to the hilt in its efforts to become a member of the European Union. The island safely ensconced within the Union in 2004, the two Mediterranean neighbours have often shared the same views and policy stances.

The fly in the ointment is not persevering memories among Maltese senior citizens of the decision by Mussolini’s Italy to attack Malta in World War II. That is now history, even if not forgotten. It is the insistence of boat people from Africa to seek a better life in Europe that ruffles the otherwise smooth relationship between the two disparate republics.

At least, that’s how it appears on the surface. The boat people problem, which others prefer to refer to as illegal immigration, is difficult enough in itself. Lampedusa, Italy’s southern island, recently passed through a particularly tough time with more irregular immigrants teeming upon it than the actual population of the place.

Yet Lampedusa is part of Italy, and Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi demonstrated that the small island’s problem can be eased through determined political action. He transferred the boat people to camps spread all over Italy. That way the issue was shared by the whole Italian community.

Malta can do no such thing. It has no hinterland where to transfer boat people who end up here, though their preferred destination is mainland Europe. On a per capita basis more irregular immigrants have landed and remained in Malta than anywhere else in the northern Mediterranean littoral.

Few have bothered to understand Malta’s situation. Least of all the European Union, for which the problem has to reach massive proportions across the whole Union to consider action meaningful to Malta. In reality, no such action would be considered if the EU’s irregular immigration scenario materialised. Every country would be in the same boat, and therefore still less inclined to help peripheral Malta.

Irregular immigration is a problem for Italy as well. Nevertheless the way it looks at it in Malta’s context raises suspicion that there is more to it than meets the eye. It is no secret that Italian politicians covet Malta’s large search and rescue area. The way they go about it is to claim that Malta does not have adequate assets to man it.

At the same time they seek to pressurise Malta by claiming that boat people in difficulty should not be taken to the nearest safe port but, when they find themselves in distress in Malta’s search and rescue space, to our island.

It is about time the Maltese government finds a final legal solution to the different interpretation applied by the two countries. The search and rescue area is related to oil prospecting rights. The issue cannot drag on forever except to the detriment of Malta. On both counts, both regarding boat people, and oil prospecting.

There is no doubt that Malta, while not giving up any of its rights, must put humanitarian considerations first when Italy refuses to take boat people in distress. But a legal solution to the existing differences is essential.

Close as relations are between Malta and Italy, the Italian government has not yielded an inch on the search and rescue area issue. That is different from an Italian broadcaster, in a moment of madness, claiming that boat people go to Lampedusa instead of Malta because we shoot at them.

Or a rightist Italian junior minister threatening that Malta had better watch it if it does not want the interconnection project between Malta and Ragusa, Sicily, to be reconsidered, never mind that the bully even mixed up his facts, classifying Malta as an exporter of energy. One can even ignore huffing and puffing by full ministers.

It is government policy that counts, not individual misstatements or threats. That is why the search and rescue area issue needs to be resolved. If it is not, with irregular immigration from North Africa continuing to grow, it is not inconceivable that fresh pressure will be put on Malta by Italians. In that same context, it is essential for Malta to become energy secure to some extent.

Clearly, that will not be achieved through the interconnection with Ragusa. Already late with execution of plans to enable Malta produce energy domestically with renewable resources, the government really needs to get its act together.

The immigration issue and Italy’s stance on the search and rescue area are making Malta’s vulnerability through total dependence on fossil fuel clear enough. The government needs to start executing policy, rather than simply drafting it, irrespective of our commitment to the EU.