The return of French grandeur

Unlike Charles De Gaulle, Nicolas Sarkozy is a short man. Yet, he still thinks and talks big. Over the ages, the French have harboured a unique sense of grandeur. Now it seems to be returning. Little wonder Asterix remains the country’s most beloved comic book.

Presidential candidate Sarkozy had promised to give France its former glory. He spoke about a “Mediterranean Union”, France’s own playing field in the south. Just like Germany had hers in the east. From early days he sought to make his presence felt on the international scene. Mr Sarkozy was instrumental in the rehabilitation of Muammar Gaddafi by the west. He had managed to secure the release of six Bulgarian doctors held by the Libyans.

In December 2007, Col Gaddafi was invited to Paris. He set up a Bedouin tent in the grounds of the presidential palace and rewarded Mr Sarkozy with a €3 billion deal. In return, he got Airbus planes and jet fighters. President Sarkozy was elated by the Brother Leader; he praised the long-serving head of state pointing out that, in the Arab world, Col Gaddafi was not considered to be a dictator. Now it is different.

France rushed to announce it was officially recognising the Libyan Transitional National Council as the legitimate representative of the Libyan people. This 24 hours prior to an EU summit meeting was to discuss Libya. Catherine Ashton was not pleased. An irritated Angela Merkel emphasised that the EU had to appear united and to speak with one voice. President Sarkozy pushed hard for the UN Security Council to impose the no-fly zone. Germany abstained; Mr Sarkozy got the support of the British. Soon after, Super Sarko summoned world leaders to Paris to inform them French fighters were on their way to Tripoli. Operation Odyssey Dawn had started.

Mr Sarkozy was desperate to seize the opportunity created by the tragedy unfolding in Libya. He sensed the US and the EU would drag their feet. He realised time was of essence and that western military intervention (by whatever other name) was inevitable. France considers North Africa to be its backyard and is the ancestral home of millions of its citizens. France regretted having misjudged the uprisings in Tunisia. It took a backseat in Egypt.

French diplomacy deserves better. After all France is presiding over the G20 and the G8. Mr Sarkozy’ s slogan is New World, New Ideas. He had been long courting the emerging economic powers promising them a new world order. He talks about taming capitalism and overhauling the international monetary system. These are noble ideas but Mr Sarkozy knows France needs powerful allies to deliver.

These days, the Germans and the French like to believe they are sort of married. Each one would like their child, the EU, to grow in their image. France would like a state-dominated, centralised, bureaucratic Europe. Germany desires a Europe of well-defined rules, honest and fiscally disciplined. The two countries make a peculiar couple; just like their leaders Ms Merkel and Mr Sarkozy. She is a puritanical, methodical and well-prepared technocrat; he a flamboyant, image-conscious and instinctive politician.

Despite having incensed Germany with its Libyan exploits, France still looks at Germany as its closest ally in the economic field. Take the “competitiveness pact”. It is an agreement meant to hide their differences. The two countries realise the euro project is in troubled waters and that, if the euro fails, it will be a major setback for the EU. However, Ms Merkel is under pressure back home from her coalition partners. German citizens are in no mood to continue bailing out spendthrift Latin countries. They want that if Germany is to guarantee Mediterranean debt then every country must abide by the rules. This demands a new sense of European dirigisme by the European Commission, which is more in line with the thinking of the French than the Germans themselves.

It is a price the Germans are prepared to pay. On the other hand, France needs to be closely associated with Germany on the economic front to hide its own relative weakness. France realises it cannot keep pace with the German economic motor. The French economy is stalling. Unemployment is stuck at 9.6 per cent and it has an unduly high fiscal deficit. There is fear in Paris the country may even lose its AAA bond rating.

In the meantime, Mr Sarkozy’s popularity back home has hit rock bottom. Recent polls show he may not even make it to the final round of the 2012 presidential race. The French people feel frustrated and upset and are looking for a scapegoat. They no longer identify with their President. His style and personality no longer seem to fit with the realities they are living. They are more upset with him than his policies. After all he banned the burqa from public places, tightened immigration laws and closed Roma camps. Last month, he declared “multiculturalism is dead”.

Former supporters are seeking refuge in the far-right National Front. Marianne Le Pen, the Front’s new leader, has been successfully courting working-class voters emphasising social protection, immigration and the “Islamisation” of France.

Many commentators hint Mr Sarkozy’s international endeavours are a desperate ploy to regain a fighting chance in the presidential elections. Reviving French grandeur may do the trick.

fms18@onvol.net