A Pyrrhic victory or reversal of fortune?
Although the water and electricity saga has died down for the moment, it has left in its wake a sense of disappointment. This disappointment originates from the behaviour of some PN backbenchers, of Labour leader Joseph Muscat and of some leading trade...
Although the water and electricity saga has died down for the moment, it has left in its wake a sense of disappointment.
This disappointment originates from the behaviour of some PN backbenchers, of Labour leader Joseph Muscat and of some leading trade unionists. Their antics have left political observers with a bitter aftertaste.
The behaviour of these three protagonists has to be seen against the background of the recent dismal economic scenario in Malta.
The first two years of any incoming administration is the period when traditionally all the difficult reforms that must take place are introduced.
The dockyard privatisation process and the reforms in the rent laws, public transport and local councils, are quite a mouthful, not to mention the pending reorganisation of the health sector.
Moreover, after seven years in the EU, many of the derogations conceded to Malta on its adhesion are coming to their end. Some, like transport, have been a burden since our colonial days.
Adjusting to these basic changes is difficult even in normal circumstances, but doing this in the wake of a major global economic recession was too much for many.
These dire circumstances elicited different reactions from the PN backbenchers, from Muscat and from the trade unions. It was a testing time for all.
Reacting to this pressure, the PN backbenchers concluded - not necessarily correctly - that the current administration, elected with a wafer-thin majority, has no hope in hell of being re-elected.
For many, the prospect of five, or probably 10 years in opposition meant that they will attain the peak of their political careers in opposition.
They therefore tried to convince the Prime Minister to abandon his sensible policy of a small Cabinet and increase the number of ministers.
The way they must have read the situation, it was now or never.
The antics to which they resorted were appalling. Some had a sudden unstoppable urge to serve, one 'arrived late' to vote in Parliament, and others started to give vent to their dissent publicly in the media.
A one-seat majority is not that rare in our Parliament, but this pretentious political soap opera was indeed a novelty.
They must have known that such antics inevitably lead to political instability, and therefore undermine the efforts of a government that was trying to come to grips with the worst economic downturn in memory. But their personal agenda came first.
Were it not for this misbehaviour, the demonstrations in Valletta would probably not have taken place.
Noticing the cracks in the government ranks, Muscat tried to exploit this weakness as best he could, turning to his faithful GWU that attempted, once more, to 'rock' the government.
He also tabled a motion in Parliament in the vain hope that at least one disgruntled PN member would go the whole hog.
Apparently he did not calculate that a vote against the government in Parliament could only make the min-isterial dreams of the PN backbenchers recede much further away.
Such political immaturity is rare, even in this small island of ours. This is not to mention that Muscat's stance proved to be a disappointing one to those who were starting to give Labour the benefit of the doubt.
The performance of the GWU and the MUT verged between the tragic and the hilarious. GWU supremo Tony Zarb tried to convince everybody that the issue was not a political one. Nobody believed him.
What is even worse is that it seems the GWU has not learnt anything from its past mistakes and forgot that toeing the Labour party line had, in the past, proved suicidal.
As far as the president of the MUT is concerned, he could not have been more foolish. I am still at a loss to understand his reasoning, as his love affair with the GWU never stood the simplest test of common sense.
His members will not take this nonsense. He knew this as he hurried home from the Monday demonstration - even before it was over - when Labour supporters reverted to their old habits.
The GWU's ineptitude reached its height when it unexpectedly called a second demonstration on the Monday, to coincide with the vote in Parliament, with the imagined possibility of some Nationalist turncoat voting for Muscat's motion.
This explains why Zarb shrill-ed that the government betrayed 'the people' and was not entitled to govern any more. They did not realise that, after Gonzi sorted out the problems he had with his backbenchers, common sense dictated they should change their war cry.
Actually, the only winner in this episode was Gonzi. He has proved to be a shrewd politician and a determined leader.
He kept his small Cabinet, gave his backbenchers practically nothing and made them share it with their more deserving colleagues, outwitted Muscat, and gave enough rope to Zarb to hang himself once again.
Time will tell whether this was just a Pyrrhic victory or the turn of the tide of the fortunes of Gonzi.
micfal@maltanet.net