Shades of Black Monday
The wrecked interior of Fenech Adami's home in Birkirkara.
October 15, 1979, made Eddie Fenech Adami and doomed the Labour Party for several years afterwards. Kurt Sansone analyses the political impact of the violent acts that characterised Black Monday.
The violent attack on his family at their home in 1979 helped consolidate Eddie Fenech Adami's leadership, the former prime minister acknowledges 30 years after the events that occurred on the day known as Black Monday.
His admission gives credence to historian Dominic Fenech's analysis.
Prof. Fenech, then Labour Party general secretary, argues that the thugs who went on a violent rampage "did more in that one evening to build the stature of Dr Fenech Adami than Louis Galea and his team had succeeded in doing in the preceding two years."
Elected PN leader in 1977, Dr Fenech Adami was still trying to change a party perceived to be elitist and hounded by the different factions created by the leadership race.
This all changed one evening in October when Labour supporters who had attended a demonstration in Valletta went on a rampage, first burning The Times building and then attacking the opposition leader's family at their Birkirkara home.
"Those events set the Nationalist Party on a sound footing in defence of democracy in the country. There is no doubt that they consolidated my position as the new PN leader," Dr Fenech Adami reminisces of the day that strengthened his leadership and scarred his family.
People realised things were not functioning normally, he said, but that day the violence reached boiling point.
"My wife was beaten up and my children were scarred by what happened," he said.
A mass meeting held outside Dr Fenech Adami's residence five days later saw one of the largest crowds ever for a PN event, a signal the mood in the country was changing.
The then deputy PN leader Guido de Marco concurs. He said the burning of The Times was a serious attack on freedom of expression.
"The German Luftwaffe failed to stop The Times from being published every day and so did the Labour thugs who attacked the building in 1979. People reacted positively to the fact that The Times still went to print that day, since it did not bow to violence," he said. It was he who made the necessary arrangements for the newspaper to be printed at the Nationalist printing press after Strickland House was gutted.
Those events made people realise that the administration would stop at nothing and the police were impotent to apply the law, Prof. de Marco said.
But what seemed to be a political trump card for the PN was the cause of long-term doom for the Labour Party according to former Labour minister Joe Grima, who at the time was a special envoy for Prime Minister Dom Mintoff.
With an office at Castille, Mr Grima recalled vividly the black smoke and burning smell when The Times building was gutted.
"Without doubt it was an ugly day, but responsibility for those events lies solely with the individuals who perpetrated them," he insisted, describing the thugs as "loose cannons".
He condemns the violence but argues Labour was as big a victim of the event as those who got hurt.
"Those people went haywire. They are the ones responsible and nobody else. Unfortunately, history only recalls the political spin, which chastised the Labour Party, when nobody in the party ever gave orders for The Times to be burnt down or Dr Fenech Adami's house to be ransacked," he said.
Mr Grima's seemingly cold analysis is a reflection of the helplessness felt by party functionaries, like Prof. Fenech.
"Back at party headquarters we used to be infuriated by such occurrences," the former general secretary said, insisting that contrary to common assumption, the party had very little control over the organs of state.
"Political power was hogged by a handful of ministers, but that is another story. If anyone thinks that Labour, as a party, wanted these things, then they must think it was made up of fools," Prof. Fenech said.
It is unlikely the PN leadership believed the Labour Party had fools at its helm but Prof. de Marco does question whether the Labour government had the political will to stop the violence.
"If the political will existed it was not manifest," he said.
Prof. Fenech said Black Monday must also be seen in the context of what happened throughout the day and the period that preceded it.
In the morning an armed man had entered Castille demanding to speak to Mr Mintoff and when he was stopped he fired shots in the ante-room of the Prime Minister's office.
Word spread that somebody had tried to assassinate Mr Mintoff, a situation that inflamed the crowd gathered for the mass demonstration held by the Labour Party that afternoon in Valletta.
The demonstration was scheduled by the party administration weeks before and it was the culmination of a week of activities celebrating the 30th anniversary of Dom Mintoff's election as party leader.
"Whether the people guilty of the attacks were acting out of outrage or opportunity is anyone's guess since we still do not know for sure who they were," Prof. Fenech said, insisting political turbulence was "hardly one-sided".
The murder of Karen Grech by a letter bomb two years earlier and the bombs that exploded outside the homes of government officials and businesses were signs that things had been "coming to a head" by the autumn of 1979.
"The bombs were liable to interpretation as a strategy of destabilisation after Malta had ceased to be a foreign military base in March 1979," he said, commenting that the PN was no longer the "slumbering" party of George Borg Olivier.
According to Prof. Fenech the PN had, under Dr Fenech Adami, undergone a radical re-organisation and mobilisation, determined to win the next election.
Dr Fenech Adami had started setting the tone of change for the PN the day he was confirmed party leader by declaring that workers also had a place in the party.
Influenced by the Italian Christian democrats he steered the party to the Left, scrapping the Borg Olivier pledge to remove income tax and embarking on a new European direction. In fact, in 1979 the PN executive had approved a historic resolution proposed by Dr Fenech Adami in favour of Malta's membership of the European Community.
Black Monday consolidated that work and gave the party a stronger rallying cry in defence of freedom and democracy that intensified after the warped electoral result in 1981.
Dr Fenech Adami eventually became prime minister in 1987 and, bar a 22-month interlude between 1996 and 1998, the PN has been in power for 22 years.
Today, Black Monday seems to be a distant memory. The wounds should have healed, according to Prof. Fenech, but there are still those who would not let them.
He laments some in the PN who still believe they can draw mileage from recalling "selectively" what happened 30 years ago.
In the 1970s and 1980s, he said, Labour used to similarly invoke the bitter experiences of Labourites during the 1960s, "maybe as a way of covering up their own contemporary wrongs".
"I have more respect for The Times, which suffered the brunt on that eventful day. While I wouldn't say it is perfectly balanced, the paper and the people who make it have moved on," he said.
Three days after The Times building was burned down, the newspaper reported that employees had adopted Gloria Gaynor's pop hit I Will Survive as their motto.
Not only has the newspaper survived but even the bad memories of that day still live in the minds of those who experienced the events first-hand. But has the country learnt any lessons?
With violence no longer part of the political landscape, Prof. de Marco believes the one lesson learnt is that where there is a will there is a way. He adds that people learnt it is possible to do politics without violence.
And as he observes the political scene from retirement Dr Fenech Adami is quite sure the country will not go back to those dark times. "Everybody has learnt the lesson," he said.
October 15, 1979: When the mob went on the rampage
• Parliament resumes sittings after summer recess.
• Man brandishing a revolver fires shots at members of Dom Mintoff's secretariat at Castille. Nobody is injured. The gunman, Karmenu Grima, is later seen being taken to hospital bleeding profusely. Hundreds of people gather outside Castille.
• Labour supporters later gather in Valletta for a demonstration to mark Dom Mintoff's 30th anniversary as leader.
• Supporters hurl fireworks at police guarding PN club in Valletta. Club destroyed. Some shop windows in the area damaged.
• Office of Il-Hajja attacked.
• The mob attack The Times and set fire to several parts of the building. Staff use ladders to escape. The fire rages all night as equipment and furniture litter St Paul Street. TVM news reports "some incidents and a small fire".
• Tourists at neighbouring Castille Hotel ordered to evacuate as a precaution.
• PN clubs in Floriana and Birkirkara attacked and torched.
• Home of Nationalist Party leader Eddie Fenech Adami in Birkirkara ransacked and looted; his wife Mary is beaten by thugs carrying chains and bars.
8 Comments
Post comment
Please sign in or create your Account to post comments.
J Farrugia
Oct 12th 2009, 15:23
"Political power was hogged by a handful of ministers, but that is another story. If anyone thinks that Labour, as a party, wanted these things, then they must think it was made up of fools," Prof. Fenech said. And this is coming from a professor of History??? Conveniently forgotten that labour thugs did what they wanted even in front of the Police corps as a whole. Off course labour wanted these things. It never did anything to stop its criminal elements inside the Party. it had to be Alfred Sant, George Abela and George Vella who did their best to rid the party from these criminals. Hallina profs. Il-gideb zommu ghalik. L-istorja ma jbiddilha hadd. L-inqas int bhala professur fl-Universita' ta' malta. That's what Labour always wanted. Mob rule. and it is still like that. Wait and see.
GiovDeMartino@A. Mizzi
Oct 12th 2009, 12:33
The persons who went to prison were found guilty by the law courts and got what they deserved. The riots in 1958 are another black spot in labour's atrocious past. Because those riots were instigated by the labour.
c. camilleric
Oct 11th 2009, 19:26
@Brandon Camilleri. What were labour supporters in their thousands doing at Zebbug in front of the NP's club? The balustrades were pushed over, in self defense to prevent the mob from entering the club and other private premises as was proved in our courts.
Black Monday was not an isolated incident as terror, detentions of Nationalist party supporters after each meeting by police at Police HQ, beating by police,and other villainous acts were everyday happenings.But this day together with others like the day Raymond Caruana was murdered by the same thugs and the torture to death at the depot of Nardu in my opinion deserves special place in the calendar of Labour's Administration during 79's and the 80's.
Franco Farrugia
Oct 11th 2009, 17:49
@ Caroline Said - True enough. Easier to forget what is best to be forgotten, no?
Caroline Said
Oct 11th 2009, 14:38
How interesting, this big article comes out right on the heels of Joseph Muscat's suggestion that people should take to the streets to demonstrate. How interesting, tthis article aimed at reminding people of past voilence on the part of Labour afficionados is published at a time when the current administration is coming under attack for various forms of abuse, such as rampant corruption, and embezzlement of public funds.
How interesting, as an exercise in political scaremongering. If Black Monday and other examples of Labour thuggery have gone down in Malta's Hall of Shame, these days are certainly no less shameful. Only the modus operendi has changed.
Brigid Garroni
Oct 11th 2009, 14:11
Possibly nobody actually gave orders for these things to be done, but Labour Party supporters had been constantly and systematically brainwashed into hatred. We are still reaping the fruits of that "divide and conquer" method of governing to this day, despite the Nationalist Governments efforts to bring the Maltese people back together. Of course, hatred begets hatred, and if the Labour leaders taught their supporters to hate the Nationalists they also inspired Nationalist supporters to hate them. Having spent my formative years under Labour [mal]administration, when there was so much venom thrown at anybody who was not a Labourite - so that one felt like a member of a totally different race, I have not yet forgiven or forgotten, and I doubt I ever shall.
Anthony Mizzi
Oct 11th 2009, 13:22
What colour do we call days when Labour Ministers like Ms Agatha Barbara, Bertu Hyzler and other Labourites were imprisoned ?
What about the 1958 revolts, what colour were the days than?
Who had ALWAYS the National interest at heart and who wanted power at all costs?
Brandon Camilleri
Oct 11th 2009, 11:23
Just 2 reflections on this article:
1. How come the editor gives such prominence to this attack but never says anything about the incidents that occurred in Zebbug when balustrades were pushed on Labour Party supports from the roof of the PN club.
And what about the killing of Karin Grech by a bomb? It is high time that this newspaper becomes more neutral in it's articles.
2. Secondly I would like to make the readers reflect more on this comment "There is no doubt that they (the incidents above) consolidated my position as the new PN leader," Dr Fenech Adami reminisces of the day that strengthened his leadership and scarred his family.". This is a farce...the MLP got only more hatred after this incident, but EFA got all the best he could out of the situation. So I would like you to reflect.....who would have wanted these incidents from the 2 parties ?
Lest we forget even the transfers we received post 1987 election at just 18 years old because of our political colour. What a country of christian democrats is this?