Gaddafi's 40 years in power

Libya put on a lavish display and military parade last Tuesday to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the revolution that brought Muammar Gaddafi to power. Colonel Gaddafi is the longest-serving leader in both Africa and the Arab world: he toppled the...

Libya put on a lavish display and military parade last Tuesday to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the revolution that brought Muammar Gaddafi to power. Colonel Gaddafi is the longest-serving leader in both Africa and the Arab world: he toppled the monarchy at the age of 27 in 1969 and has ruled ever since.

The Libyan leader certainly has a lot to be happy about. He is firmly in control of his country, he has presided over Libya's remarkable international rehabilitation, and Western companies are flocking to the North African country to invest in its huge oil and gas sector as well as its many new infrastructural projects.

Gaddafi's four decades in power have certainly been controversial. Tremendous opportunities were wasted, economic mismanagement was rampant, the regime's association with terrorism greatly tarnished the country's image and brought about crippling sanctions, and the government's centralised socialist-style economic policies prevented the country from achieving its full potential.

Yes, Gaddafi brought about improvements in welfare, education and social programmes, life expectancy has gone up by 20 years since the revolution, housing, transport and healthcare are heavily subsidised and today the country's GDP per capita is among the highest in Africa.

However, the benefits for the country's six million people from the country's vast oil reserves - Libya earns $40 billion a year from oil - have been very modest compared to other oil-rich Arab nations. The average Libyan's salary is low and unemployment levels, especially among the young, are high.

Gaddafi has retained authoritarian control of his country, political parties and independent trade unions are banned and the press is state controlled. In the past, the Libyan leader openly supported terrorist organisations such as the IRA and various radical Palestinian factions, and during the Cold War he was closely allied to the Soviet Union.

Ronald Reagan once called him the mad dog of the Middle East and in 1986 the then US President ordered the bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi in retaliation for Libya's alleged link to a Berlin bomb attack on American soldiers.

Gaddafi's rehabilitation in the eyes of the world started with his acceptance of responsibility for the Lockerbie bombing as well as the bombing of a French airliner. In 1999, he handed over the Libyan suspects to a Scottish court and awarded compensation to the relatives of the victims. He then gave up his weapons of mass destruction programmes and stopped supporting terrorism. Consequently, the UN and American sanctions against Libya, which crippled the Libyan economy, were lifted.

After the 9/11 attacks on America Gaddafi became an unlikely 'ally' of the West in the fight against Al-Qaeda extremism. Having more or less suppressed any Islamic opposition to his regime, many observers in the West ironically considered Gaddafi to be a bulwark against Al-Qaeda-inspired Muslim fundamentalism. Gaddafi's system of government was, after all, semi-secular.

Of course, the Libyan strongman was principally concerned with his own survival and some analysts believe his decision to give up his chemical and nuclear weapons programmes as well as his support for terrorism was influenced by the American invasion of Iraq.

Furthermore, Gaddafi has few friends in the Arab world - which perhaps explains his increased interest in and focus on African affairs - and the end of the Cold War left him without a valuable ally, the Soviet Union.

So what has really changed in Libya? Certainly, the country no longer supports terrorism nor is it involved in any programmes of weapons of mass destruction. This is without doubt positive, as is the opening up of the country's economy to foreign investment. However, Gaddafi remains an unpredictable character, who seems to enjoy defying international public opinion.

In June 2008, for example, he severely criticised the proposed Union for the Mediterranean when he remarked: "We are neither hungry nor dogs to be thrown bones. If Europe wants to co-operate with us, they can do it with the Arab League or the African Union, and we will never allow Arab or African unity to be undermined."

Recently, his decision to give the freed Lockerbie bomber Abdelbasset Ali al-Megrahi a hero's welcome at Tripoli airport led European leaders - with the exception of President George Abela and Serbian President Boris Tadic - not to attend Tuesday's military parade commemorating the Libyan revolution. To make matters worse, a video clip of Megrahi's homecoming was shown on a large screen during the official celebrations.

Engagement with Libya, as well as the possibility of increased commercial links with this oil-rich nation, is a step in the right direction. This is a matter of realpolitik: one has to recognise that a Libya that has renounced its past and is opening up to the world is better than an isolated Libya with a dangerous foreign and security policy.

However, the country has not changed politically and Gaddafi's system of government remains the same. It is important, therefore, that realpolitik must not allow commercial interests to override all concerns over human rights and a lack of political reform. As usual, it is all a question of finding the right balance.

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