Zimbabwe's official inflation rate of 11 million per cent and the revaluation of its currency for Z$10 billion to become Z$1 are evidence of the level of economic disintegration to which Robert Mugabe brought a country once regarded as the breadbasket of Africa.
Zimbabwe has long been in a chronic state of crisis. The level of the crisis was ratcheted upwards last March when Opposition Leader Morgan Tsvangirai gathered more votes than the incumbent, Mr Mugabe, but failed to reach the 50 per cent threshold to claim victory in the presidential elections. A run-off in June was not contested by Mr Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change because Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF party and the military had gone on a rampage that targeted thousands of MDC's supporters.
Unopposed, Mr Mugabe was elected President of Zimbabwe and there the story would have ended had history been allowed to repeat itself. Instead, history bore witness to the fact that the MDC had gained control of Parliament in the polls, 100 seats to their opponents' 99, the balance of power in the hands of an MDC breakaway faction.
A collision course was inevitable and, indeed, when President Mugabe entered Parliament after he was formally sworn in amidst great pomp and ceremony, the elected MDC members remained seated. The opposition also mercilessly heckled the 84-year-old President during his speech.
The recipe for confrontation was evident. It was clear that there could be no movement forward unless an agreement on power-sharing was brokered.
South African leader Thabo Mbeki, long an inadequate contributor to the restoration of Zimbabwe from the chaos into which it had been led by Mr Mugabe, finally understood or was persuaded to understand that the situation required his hands-on intervention.
Last Wednesday, the on-again, off-again encounters looked as if they were nearing a conclusion, that the rival factions were close to a deal. Mr Mugabe was quoted as saying that he was "hopeful of signing tomorrow (Thursday)". Progress had been "encouraging, so far so good". Mr Tsvangirai was of the opinion that "little was left" before a government of national unity could be formed.
The eight-week process was, or so it seemed, nearing a conclusion that would see Mr Tsvangirai Prime Minister and President Mugabe chairing a new National Security Council on which, presumably, the Prime Minister would also sit.
One thing is certain. An end to the disastrous rule of Mr Mugabe is devoutly to be wished but any such desire must be seen against the context of his seemingly endless ability to thrive on chaos. Paradoxically, his absence may intensify the chaos he created, with MDC and Zanu-PF incapable of reconciling themselves to one another. The political rift between them may yet prove to be too deep for healing. Too much violence, too many deaths may see to that.
Can Zanu-PF come up with an alternative to the man in whose image and likeness Mr Mugabe has forged the party? Unlikely. Can the MDC find the saving power to forgive and forget? Unlikely. Something new must enter Zimbabwean politics: truth and the courage to face the past and the future in the context of that truth. Yesterday's deal, as such, will not be enough.