The Nationalist Party's electoral victory last Sunday made history for a number of reasons. This is the first time that a party in Malta has been elected to office for three consecutive terms with a popular mandate; it is the first time no party has won an absolute majority of votes since 1966; the voter turnout, at 93 per cent, was the lowest since 1971; and the difference between the two main parties in terms of the popular vote was the smallest on record.

The Nationalist Party's majority is indeed wafer-thin; it received 49.34 per cent of the popular vote (143,468) compared with 48.79 per cent (141, 888) for the Labour Party, which translates into a majority of 1,580 votes. Nevertheless, the result is a good victory for the Nationalist Party as the odds were heavily in favour of Labour being elected to office.

A lower than usual voter turnout, especially in traditional Nationalist Party strongholds, voter apathy towards the PN after years in office, the unpopularity of certain ministers, the settling of Malta's European Union membership in 2003 and the fact that history was not on the side of the PN all pointed to a probable Labour victory.

However, Labour lost, as there was no swing towards the party and most of the new voters and the floating voters voted Nationalist. Furthermore, contrary to expectations, a number of those who did not vote were traditional Labour voters. The result brought about the immediate resignation of Labour leader Alfred Sant, who has been at the helm of the party since 1992. Labour now has much soul searching to do as a result of its third consecutive electoral defeat. The party cannot overlook the fact that since independence it has won a majority of votes only in the general elections of 1971, 1976 and 1996. The PN, on the other hand, won the popular vote in 1966, 1981, 1987, 1992, 1998, 2003 and 2008, a remarkable achievement which makes it one of the most successful political parties in Europe.

What contributed to the PN's victory? The most important single factor was undeniably Lawrence Gonzi, a popular and charismatic figure who is considered by many as an honest, visionary politician with leadership qualities. Gonzi is viewed as being a 'safe pair of hands' who will guarantee 'peace of mind' and this certainly played an important part in the PN's victory. One also cannot overlook the role of Kate Gonzi in this campaign, a first for Malta. As popular and charismatic as her husband, Kate's appearances next to her husband at party rallies and meetings must have surely won the PN some extra points. On a personal level, therefore, Sant, who lacks charisma, couldn't compete with the Gonzis.

Gonzi's track record in government, especially his economic record, was an important factor in this election. Malta's membership of the euro, the reduction of the deficit, low inflation and unemployment rates, record foreign investment, mega projects such as Smart City and Mater Dei Hospital as well as immediate tangible benefits stemming from Malta's EU membership all helped the PN remain in office.

The track record of the short-lived Labour government from 1996 to 1998 when Sant was Prime Minister as well as Labour's recent history, coupled with the fact that Sant remained party leader after his 2003 election defeat, could well explain why there was no swing to Labour.

Furthermore, Sant's previous scaremongering over Europe was proved wrong and his refusal to accept the 2003 EU referendum result was not forgotten by the electorate. Instead of massive unemployment and a loss of sovereignty - as Sant had predicted if we joined the EU - millions of euros in EU funds poured into Malta and we became part of the decision-making process in Brussels.

The campaign itself was intense on both sides but on the whole the PN message was far more upbeat and positive than Labour's and the promise of tax cuts and making Gonzi responsible for the Malta Environment and Planning Authority struck a chord with the electorate, while Labour's pledge of a reception class did not. Labour's main platform was good governance and a focus on the behaviour of certain ministers while in office, certainly two valid points, but not enough to win the election.

This election also saw the defeat of a number of ministers, parliamentary secretaries and government MPs - including outgoing Education Minister Louis Galea and outgoing Foreign Minister Michael Frendo, two of the PN's best and most capable ministers, as well as a number of senior MLP figures such as Gavin Gulia, surely one of Labour's greatest assets. Unfortunately, some of our best MPs sometimes lose their seats due to our distinctive electoral system.

The small parties did not do well, with AD getting 1.3 per cent of the vote, its third best performance since 1992, and Azzjoni Nazzjonali getting 0.5 per cent of the vote. Together, however, they ensured that no party got an absolute majority of votes, so they cannot be dismissed as being irrelevant. It will be interesting to see, in subsequent elections, whether the possibility of one party getting such a majority becomes a thing of the past, which is the case in most European democracies.

Gonzi certainly kept his word in appointing a leaner and new-look Cabinet and he has got off to an excellent start. Now his major challenges include tackling the environmental sector, where expectations are high, paying more attention to citizens' concerns on a local level, demanding good governance and accountability from his ministers, ensuring that the €850 million in EU funds over the next five years are used well, being prepared for a possible international economic crisis and discussing electoral reform with the opposition.

Labour, on the other hand, must conduct a serious soul-searching exercise, examine its past and most important of all, make the right decision over its choice of party leader, something it has too often failed to do.

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