Sinn Fein welcomes first step to renewed devolution
He may deny having any long-term political ambitions, but 24-year-old Sinn Fein councillor Daithí McKay certainly seems to be taking politics seriously. Politics, after all, has been his education. He left school at 16 to work for the Ulster Bank in...
He may deny having any long-term political ambitions, but 24-year-old Sinn Fein councillor Daithí McKay certainly seems to be taking politics seriously.
Politics, after all, has been his education. He left school at 16 to work for the Ulster Bank in Belfast for two years, before working for the Assembly in Belfast. He joined the Sinn Fein fold at 19, having been raised on stories of sectarianism and discrimination in the strong Unionist area his family lived in.
He was elected councillor on the Ballymoney Council in May last year and is the council's Sinn Fein party leader. Eight Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) councillors, three Sinn Fein (SF) councillors, two Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) councillors, two Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) councillors, and one independent councillor sit on the council.
Among a plethora of roles, he also serves on the Northern Ireland Local Government Association Executive Committee and chairs the Northern Ireland Local Government Association e-Government Committee.
Mr McKay has even flown the Sinn Fein flag in strife-ridden territories: in 2003, he joined British, American and Canadian volunteers of the International Solidarity Movement acting as shields to protect Palestinians from Israeli troops in the West Bank.
Just two weeks ago he sat on a panel discussion in southeastern Turkey (part of the region sometimes referred to - arguably erroneously - as Kurdistan) with Basque representatives and members of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party.
The PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) declared a ceasefire last September as Kurds struggle for their language, cultural identity and democratic rights to be recognised. Mr McKay's passport was confiscated but subsequently returned.
"Sinn Fein is the most international of Northern Irish parties and has championed causes like social justice and human rights," Mr McKay told The Sunday Times in an interview while on holiday in Malta last Monday.
"By representing Sinn Fein overseas, we share our experience of our peace process. South Africa's African National Congress advised Sinn Fein on the peace process. Sinn Fein is a 'grassroots up' party and has made great strides over the years. While it was engaged in the peace process, it never sold out."
Politics is never straightforward anywhere, but in Northern Ireland political complexity is run of the mill.
Last Friday, the day the pro-British DUP and Sinn Fein were to nominate a first minister and deputy first minister to pave the way for the restoration of devolution, convicted loyalist killer Michael Stone caused a major security incident at Stormont when he entered the parliament buildings with a gun, a knife and homemade explosives.
He appeared at Belfast Magistrates Court yesterday charged with attempting to murder Sinn Fein leaders Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, two security guards and an unknown person, and with possession of articles for terrorist purposes and possession of explosives.
In 1988 Stone murdered three men at the funerals of three IRA members. He was released in June 2000 after serving 12 years of an 800-year sentence under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement established in April 1998.
Meanwhile, if all goes according to the St Andrews Agreement reached between the parties after intensive three-day talks in Scotland last month, assembly elections will be held in March. The Northern Ireland assembly was suspended in October 2002 amid allegations for a Republican spy ring.
Last Friday, the building was evacuated 20 minutes into the key debate - later suspended - during which Sinn Fein said Martin McGuinness was its choice for deputy first minister.
DUP leader Ian Paisley said the circumstances had not been reached where there could be a nomination or designation by his party. Earlier this month Mr Paisley said Sinn Fein had to "embrace solely democratic and peaceful" politics before the DUP committed to power sharing.
The blame game continues.
"The DUP don't like change," Mr McKay pointed out. "Sinn Fein wants the assembly up and running. There is potential for radical change. The negotiations on the St Andrews Agreement need to continue: there are 'i's to be dotted and 't's to be crossed.
"There needs to be talks on issues like policing, the possibility of the introduction of the Irish Language Act, stronger powers for the Human Rights Commission, and a Bill of Rights to be enshrined in judicial terms.
"Policing has to be accountable and transparent, and in the hands of local politicians. Power should be transferred from London to Belfast as we have had four years of stagnation."
Earlier this month, UK Chancellor Gordon Brown announced a £50 billion spending package linked to the establishment of a Stormont executive. Sinn Fein and the DUP expressed disappointment that the Chancellor did not offer to cut corporation tax from 30 per cent to match the Republic of Ireland's 12.5 per cent rate.
"The package is a carrot, yes, but it is money Northern Ireland needs," Mr McKay remarked. "The water infrastructure in the north is old and requires investment.
"Also, it makes sense that there is an all-Ireland economy with a 12.5 per cent corporation tax. Northern Ireland's gap between rich and poor is the second worst in Europe.
"Traditionally, agriculture is our largest resource and we have a massive public sector. Tourism is growing and emigration is down. Times are improving, although there is still a lot of sectarianism. However, it is only during marching season that there is some tension."
Mr McKay insists Sinn Fein will not accept retraction on the Good Friday Agreement which established a power-sharing, devolved assembly and executive, and paved the way for a military scale-down and police reform while calling for paramilitary arms decommissioning.
"Between the 1920s and 1970s Unionist communities were imbued with a sense of insecurity. They see steps towards equality as regression and as concession to the Nationalists.
"The posts of first minister and deputy first minister are posts of equal responsibility. Their nomination is a massive first step and we would welcome that."
But Stormont has to brave this latest storm first.