Malta's foreign policy

Soon after being sworn in as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Michael Frendo plunged into the very difficult task of trying to map out the changes which need to be made in Malta's foreign policy-making structures, a task naturally dictated by EU membership.

For many years we have debated broad principles about Malta's foreign policy directions such as relations with our neighbours, the EU, neutrality and other related items. That was useful. But now EU membership imposes on us new obligations and opportunities as well.

The EU is promoting the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and its Neighbourhood Policy both of which, if successful, could promote Malta's security as well. So it is of crucial importance to see how national foreign policies interface with these EU initiatives and how by a process of Europeanisation of our own policies we could make the latter more effective.

The second obligation dictated by membership is that we have to collaborate more closely with the foreign ministries of fellow EU member states not only to achieve the EU's aims but also to help our EU partners achieve their own goals. And we should expect to find such collaboration available to us from our partners when we need it.

Most tellingly, Malta also needs to look at the role of its embassies and diplomatic service in promoting trade and investment. That assessment is important as well.

The process of consultation was reported to be continuing inside the ministry and we are confident that it will come to a successful conclusion after which the minister should unveil his plans for a public discussion.

After all, foreign policy is of public interest, and the ministry should at least discard one major characteristic (taboo) of past practice by not shying away from engaging the public. Indeed the Maltese must grasp the significance of the sea-change which occurred last May, namely that they have become citizens of a political entity, the EU, which is a global player. And they must seek to position themselves better in order to exploit this.

Our diplomatic service must also be placed under greater public scrutiny. The public needs to be informed about what these officials are doing overseas, what their mission is and what results they are obtaining. Since Malta's independence successive governments have been quite economical with this kind of information - in some cases for understandable reasons, in others God knows why.

The European Movement (Malta) looks positively on the exercise that is going on in Malta's foreign policy domain and augurs its success.

What is also required in this country is a proper think-tank in foreign affairs, a small but efficient institution to put forward policy papers which will help in a clearer formulation of foreign policy goals and the methods of achieving them.

In Malta we still do not have our local equivalent of a public institute for international affairs combining if possible analysts who represent the whole of the Maltese political spectrum as well as the commercial sector which also has a stake in Malta's external relations.

Foreign policy, after all, does not only deal with high politics but also with such important matters as market and investment opportunities. And in the thinking that goes into all this, the Maltese cannot simply rely on others to do it for them. Nor should they continue to rely on the musings of a few isolated gurus and speechwriters. A more systematic approach is required and one that is more lasting, possibly riding above the waves of partisan political agendas and looking at the national interest first.

Other states have been able to achieve this. To say that Malta is unable, in its own limited way, of reaching such standards is to claim that we are just a half-state - which we are not.