In the light of the forthcoming referendum, some reflection on the past attitude adopted by European Socialists and Social Democrats offer a number of interesting local parallels.

Going back just over a decade ago, Socialists had long been ambivalent in their attitude towards the European Community of that time. Nonetheless, by time, particularly due to the prospect of the establishment of the Single European Market in January 1992, they recognised the need to discuss and address the new challenge facing socialism.

"The forthcoming prospect of a large internal market raises a number of questions which the European Left will have to resolve without renouncing its principles." This was the introductory statement by Laurent Fabius, a socialist and president of the French National Assembly, in his speech on "A Left Programme for the European Community". Mr Fabius argued that "the message of the Left is, basically, internationalist".

"Until now left-wing parties - whether Socialist or Social Democrat - have mainly used or proposed to use purely national instruments: separate systems of rules, national fiscal policy, industrial strategy relating to their own country, etc.

"The Single Market, once it has been completed, will automatically reduce the margin of autonomy of these national instruments. It will force the Left, whether in opposition or in power, to consider its actions in genuinely European terms. It is a challenge."

Undoubtedly it was a challenge. But the fundamental question then was whether the European left-wing parties were willing to face the challenge. As stated at that time by Wim Kok, leader of the Labour Party in The Netherlands, "the social democratic parties in Europe do not yet grasp sufficiently clearly the potential for new political initiatives in Europe. They focus their attention exclusively on national politics and relegate Europe to the bottom of their agenda.

"This must change. The increase in the scale of social and economic development means that political activity must be conducted on a European scale. If it is not, considerable scope for influencing, directing and co-ordinating will be lost. Concrete co-operation between the social democratic parties in the European Community must be tackled more energetically. For the sake of the future of our nations and Europe, we must work for practical reform and keep our sights set clearly on the 1990s."

The initial gloom-laden predictions about the consequences of tougher international competition and the loss of national sovereignty as a result of the single European market had gradually led to a more sober assessment.

As Gerard Fuchs, a Euro MP and French Socialist Party spokesman on Europe and security, stated: "There are those who fear that present developments within the EC endanger the national sovereignty of the member states. I believe that only the establishment of a European Community freely reorganised, which incorporates some elements of national sovereignty, will enable us in the end to find a true form of sovereignty. That means collective mastery of our destiny. Our only choice today is either to lose our sovereignty or to share it."

This change in attitude towards the EC by the left-wing parties became growingly apparent. Furthermore, two interesting cases which present a clear picture on the way this change evolved over the years, relate to the British Labour Party and the Greek Socialist Party.

In Britain, the key event in the emergence of Labour's new policy was the decision at the beginning of 1988 by Neil Kinnock, the party leader, to abandon Labour's previous commitment to withdraw Britain from the EC if it won power. He argued:

"It is surely realistic to acknowledge that Britain's integration with the other European economies by 1990 will have proceeded so far that talk of economic withdrawal is both politically romantic and economically self-defeating." Mr Kinnock followed this up by declaring flatly: "The prospect for withdrawal in my view are nil."

This was followed by the trade union movement whose espousal of 1992 was given great encouragement in September 1988, when Jacques Delors - a French Socialist and President of the European Commission - travelled to Bournemouth to appeal to the TUC to back the internal market. His assurance in "social dialogue and collective bargaining" as pillars of a democratic society won TUC backing.

Even Ron Todd of the Transport and General Workers Union, when speaking for the TUC General Council, while admitting that the TUC had "once been sceptical about there being any benefits in the European dimension", called on British trade unionists to link up with their European counterparts.

In Greece, Constantine Karamanlis, Prime Minister in 1962 when the country finalised an association agreement with the then Community of Six, had a vision that Greece belonged to this Community. It was under his guidance that accession took place. But only months later the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) under Andreas Papandreou came to power on a platform which included the slogan "Out of the European Community".

Over the years of socialist rule the antipathy towards the Community turned to grudging gratitude for the funds which fuelled the decentralisation programme. Clearly, the Socialist Papandreou administration, on taking office, realised the great benefits for Greece and therefore changed its views and fully supported EC membership.

Also, Yannis Pottakis, a stalwart of PASOK, who served in an all-party government as alternate Minister of Foreign Affairs with special responsibilities for the EC, argued that membership allowed Greece to promote its national issues more effectively and to participate actively in the whole process of European integration.

On the social side, Pottakis felt that the results had been positive. The inflow of EC funds contributed substantially to the successful application of a policy of decentralisation and regional development in favour of workers and farmers.

To sum up this now long established change in stance by the left-wing parties, reference to another two prominent politicians better underlines the evolution in this pan-European debate.

As Spanish Socialist Prime Minister Felipe Gonzales said: "We are moving towards a new industrial society, motivated both by the dynamism generated by our relations within the European Community itself, and by international events in which we simultaneously play both an active and passive role.

"Liberalisation for enhanced freedom of competition and, in consequence, greater productivity on the part of our companies."

In conclusion, quoting Hans-Jochen Vogel, president of the SPD (Social Democratic Party) in West Germany: "Europe 1992 has awakened forces which will keep the process of integration moving. Lack of political courage, provincial attitudes, the clinging to national sovereign rights, and the fears of strong economic groups offering strong competition will always impede that movement. So the European process of integration will remain an arduous one. But it can no longer be stopped."

It can safely be affirmed that the vast majority of left-wing parties have over the past decade not only stopped living yesterday's past, but also long woken up to today's challenges and realities rather then risk being isolated. In fact, it is beyond any reason of doubt that the left-wing parties in Europe have over these past years taken a 'new' approach towards the European Union. An approach which is proactively positive.

Placing all this within a local context, one cannot hesitate in drawing up some parallels and raising a number of questions. Will it be a matter of history repeating itself? Will this 'new' approach reach our shores? One could safely say that only time will tell, but I hazard to say, sooner or later, even in Malta, the MLP will change its anti-EU membership stance if they ever hope to be voted back into Government. After all, you cannot put new wine into old bottles.

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