Rev. Professor Peter Serracino Inglott, the Maltese government's representative at the Convention on the Future of Europe, talks to Joe Mercieca

Germany, quickly followed by France, has recently changed its representative at the Convention on the Future of Europe. Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer has replaced Peter Glotz, a university don.

France then appointed its own Foreign Minister, Dominique de Villepin (who was recently in Malta on holiday), in lieu of Pierre Moscovici, who had in the recent past worked closely with Socialist Prime Minister Lionel Jospin.

Rev. Professor Peter Serracino Inglott, the Maltese government's representative at the Convention, explained that following these two changes there has been an important development related to the discussion on the formulation of an EU common security policy.

Shortly before Germany and France changed their representatives at the Convention, Working Group VIII, which had the brief to deal with the EU defence and security roles, came up with a document that essentially favoured a common defence policy embracing all member nations.

The need for this European policy has arisen because of the changes in geopolitics which have made the Euro-American system embodied by NATO no longer adequate. For instance, the European forces alongside American contingents operating in the Balkans had been trained, organised and equipped to thwart a possible massive aggression by the now defunct Soviet Union.

The Balkan crisis presented quite a different scenario and required a totally different military approach. This factor was conspicuously evident in the many mistakes made in the course of the Balkan peace-keeping operations. The C3I (Command, Communication, Co-ordination and Intelligence) flaws were quite evident and reinforced the need for a new comprehensive common security policy by the European Union.

Although the emphasis in the Workshop Group document is on "common policy", the document nevertheless allows ample room for differences between member states. It took into consideration limitations of resources as well as negative political attitudes to military involvement by some countries.

The document recognises that there could be areas of commitment (such as post-war rehabilitation) that all countries would be able and willing to participate in as well as other areas where participation was not feasible or not desired by all member states.

Malta, with its 1,900-strong Armed Forces and respectful of its constitutional provisions, has expressed its readiness to participate in such a common policy through participating in search and rescue operations and humanitarian missions. Malta has significant resources in terms of medical and paramedical personnel and skills. Incidentally, Luxembourg, one of the founding EU member countries, has only 800 men in arms.

Shortly after Working Group VIII produced its proposals on a common European security policy, the German and French governments issued a joint declaration stating that if the EU countries did not succeed in coming up with a sufficiently developed common defence policy, then the two countries would take the lead to ensure that the countries which agreed to it would enter into an enhanced Cupertino agreement leaving others the possibility of opting out. If need be, France and Germany were determined to set up a binational force under the aegis of the EU.

Professor Serracino Inglott said that some quarters might not be too happy about the re-emergence of the Franco-German axis in Europe, because of its strength. However, agreement between them on defence has positive aspects.

One can never put aside the historic perspective. Since France and Germany were engaged in many wars during long stretches of history, their deep commitment to a common defence strategy reaffirms the EU vocation to continue to foster peace on the continent and beyond.

The Working Group proposals are also intended to allow Europe to be able to pursue more autonomous policies in areas beyond NATO's competence.

According to Professor Serracino Inglott, the Franco-German proposal does not exclude other EU members whatsoever. It indeed offers options to other members to participate effectively and cohesively in the fashion they deem best suited to their national identity and mindful of strengths and constraints. The Franco-German proposal reinforces the "opt-out" approach that the EU had adopted in the past and it seems likely to be followed in a variety of contexts at the Convention.

Apart from filling the need to achieve greater effectiveness in command structures, and weapon compatibility, either a widespread European force or a basically Franco-German force open to other participants, would be better prepared to deal effectively with peace-keeping situations similar to those in the Balkans during the past few years as well as with other threats to security.

Apart from dismissing any suggestion that either the proposed Franco-German force or an EU common security policy are meant to develop some form of fortress Europe, Professor Serracino Inglott says many Europeans are noting that the US continue to hint at downsizing their military forces in Europe.

Both the Franco-German proposal and the common policy option also have an economic content. Apart from savings that can accrue from compatibility in weaponry and other areas, Europe would be able to ensure a higher degree of self-reliance in the defence industry.

Malta, Professor Serracino Inglott said, is observing these and a wider range of developments at the Convention on the Future of Europe. Security in Europe is also pertinent to Malta, which has to look after its interests while taking into consideration its resources, political inclinations and foreign policy options.

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